TORTINI

For your delectation and delight, desultory dicta on the law of delicts.

Carl Cranor’s Inference to the Best Explanation

February 12th, 2021

Carl Cranor pays me the dubious honor of quoting my assessment of weight of the evidence (WOE) pseudo-methodology as used by lawsuit industry expert witnesses, in one of his recent publications:

“Take all the evidence, throw it into the hopper, close your eyes, open your heart, and guess the weight. You could be a lucky winner! The weight of the evidence suggests that the weight-of-the-evidence (WOE) method is little more than subjective opinion, but why care if it helps you to get to a verdict!”[1]

Cranor’s intent was to deride my comments, but they hold up fairly well. I have always maintained that if were wrong, I would eat my words, but that they will be quite digestible. Nothing to eat here, though.

In his essay in the Public Affairs Quarterly, Cranor attempts to explain and support his advocacy of WOE in the notorious case, Milward, in which Cranor, along with his friend and business partner, Martyn Smith, served as partisan, paid expert witnesss.[2] Not disclosed in this article is that after the trial court excluded the opinions of Cranor and Smith under Federal Rule of Evidence 702, and plaintiff appealed, the lawsuit industry, acting through The Council for Education and Research on Toxics (CERT) filed an amicus brief to persuade the Court of Appeals to reverse the exclusion. The plaintiffs’ counsel, Cranor and Smith, and CERT failed to disclose that CERT was founded by the two witnesses, Cranor and Smith, whose exclusion was at issue.[3] Many of the lawsuit industry’s regular testifiers were signatories, and none raised any ethical qualms about the obvious conflict of interest, or the conspiracy to pervert the course of justice.[4]

Cranor equates WOE to “inference to the best explanation,” which reductively strips science of its predictive and reproducible nature. Readers may get the sense he is operating in the realm of narrative, not science, and they would be correct. Cranor goes on to conflate WOE methodology with “diagnostic induction,” and “differential diagnosis.”[5] The latter term is well understood in both medicine and in law to involve the assessment of an individual patient’s condition, based upon what is already known upon good and sufficient bases. The term has no accepted or justifiable meaning for assessing general causation. Cranor’s approach would pretermit the determination of general causation by making the disputed cause a differential.

Cranor offers several considerations in support of his WOE-ful methodology. First, he notes that the arguments for causal claims are not deductive. True, but indifferent as to his advocacy for WOE and inference to the best explanation.

Second, Cranor describes a search for relevant evidence once the scientific issue (hypothesis?) is formulated. Again, there is nothing unique about this described step, but Cranor intentionally leaves out considerations of validity, as in extrapolations between high and low dose, or between species. Similarly, he leaves out considerations of validity of study designs (such as whether any weight would be given to case studies, cross-sectional, or ecological studies) or of validity of individual studies.

Cranor’s third step is the formulation of a “sufficiently complete range of reasonable and plausible explanations to account for the evidence.” Again, nothing unique here about WOE, except that Cranor’s WOE abridges the process by ignoring the very real possibility that we do not have the correct plausible explanation available.

Fourth, according to Cranor, scientists rank, explicitly or implicitly, the putative “explanations” by plausibility and persuasiveness, based upon the evidence at hand, in view of general toxicological and background knowledge.[6] Note the absence of consideration of the predictive abilities of the competing explanations, or any felt need to assess the quality of evidence or the validity of study design.

For Cranor, the fifth consideration is to use the initial plausibility assessments, made on incomplete understanding of the phenomena, and on incomplete evidence, to direct “additionally relevant /available evidence to separate founded explanations from less well-founded ones.” Obviously missing from Cranor’s scheme is the idea of trying to challenge or test hypotheses severely to see whether withstand such challenges.

Sixth, Cranor suggests that “all scientifically relevant information” should be considered in moving to the “best supported” explanation. Because “best” is determined based upon what is available, regardless of the quality of the data, or the validity of the inference, Cranor rigs his WOE-ful methodology in favor of eliminating “indeterminate” as a possible conclusion.

In a seventh step, Cranor points to the need to “integrate, synthesize, and assess or evaluate,” all lines of “available relevant evidence.” There is nothing truly remarkable about this step, which clearly requires judgment. Cranor notes that there can be convergence of disparate lines of evidence, or divergence, and that some selection of “lines” of evidence may be endorsed as supporting the “more persuasive conclusion” of causality.[7] In other words, a grand gemish.

Cranor’s WOE-ful approach leaves out any consideration of random error, or systematic bias, or data quality, or study design. The words “bias” and “confounding” do not appear in Cranor’s essay, and he erroneously discusses “error” and “error rates,” only to disparage them as the machinations of defense lawyers in litigation. Similarly, Cranor omits any serious mention of reproducibility, or of the need to formulate predictions that have the ability to falsify tentative conclusions.

Quite stridently, Cranor insists that there is no room for any actual weighting of study types or designs. In apparent earnest, Cranor writes that:

“this conclusion is in accordance with a National Cancer Institute (NCI) recommendation that ‘there should be no hierarchy [among different types of scientific methods to determine cancer causation]. Epidemiology, animal, tissue culture and molecular pathology should be seen as integrating evidences in the determination of human carcinogenicity.”[8]

There is much whining and special pleading about the difficulty, expense, and lack of statistical power of epidemiologic studies, even though the last point is a curious backdoor endorsement of statistical significance. The first two points ignore the availability of large administrative databases from which large cohorts can be identified and studied, with tremendous statistical power. Case-control studies can in some instances be assembled quickly as studies nested in existing cohorts.

As I have noted elsewhere,[9] Cranor’s attempt to level all types of evidence starkly misrepresents the cited “NCI” source, which is not at all an NCI recommendation, but rather a “meeting report” of a workshop of non-epidemiologists.[10] The cited source is not an official pronouncement of the NCI, the authors were not NCI scientists, and the NCI did not sponsored the meeting. The meeting report appeared in the journal Cancer Research as a paid advertisement, not in the NCI’s Journal of the National Cancer Institute as a scholarly article:

“The costs of publication of this article were defrayed in part by the payment of page charges. This article must therefore be hereby marked advertisement in accordance with 18 U.S.C. Section 1734 solely to indicate this fact.”[11]

Tellingly, Cranor’s deception was relied upon and cited by the First Circuit, in its Milward, decision.[12] The scholarly fraud hit its mark. As a result of Cranor’s own dubious actions, the Milward decision has both both ethical and scholarship black clouds hovering over it.  The First Circuit should withdraw the decision as improvidently decided.

The article ends with Cranor’s triumphant view of Milward,[13] which he published previously, along with the plaintiffs’ lawyer who hired him.[14] What Cranor leaves out is that the First Circuit’s holding is now suspect because of the court’s uncritical acceptance of Cranor’s own misrepresentations and CERT’s omissions of conflict-of-interest disclosures, as well as the subsequent procedural history of the case. After the Circuit reversed the Rule 702 exclusions, and the Supreme Court denied the petition for a writ of certiorari, the case returned to the federal district court, where the defense lodged a Rule 702 challenge to expert witness opinion that attributed plaintiff’s acute promyelocytic leukemia to benzene exposure. This specific causation issue was not previously addressed in the earlier proceedings. The trial court sustained the challenge, which left the plaintiff unable to show specific causation. The result was summary judgment for the defense, which the First Circuit affirmed on appeal.[15] The upshot of the subsequent proceedings, with their dispositive ruling in favor of the defense on specific causation, is that the earlier ruling on general causation is no longer necessary to the final judgment, and not the holding of the case when all the proceedings are considered.

In the end, Cranor’s WOE leaves us with a misdirected search for an “explanation of causation,” rather than a testable, tested, reproducible, and valid “inference of causation.” Cranor’s attempt to invoke the liberalization of the Federal Rules of Evidence ignores the true meaning of “liberal” in being free from dogma and authority. Evidence does not equal eminence, and expert witnesses in court must show their data and defend their inferences, whatever their explanations may be.

——————————————————————————————————–

[1]  Carl F. Cranor, “How Courts’ Reviews of Science in Toxic Tort Cases Have Changed and Why That’s a Good Thing,” 31 Public Affairs Q. 280 (2017), quoting from Schachtman, “WOE-fully Inadequate Methodology – An Ipse Dixit by Another Name” (May 1, 2012).

[2]  Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 639 F. 3d 11 (1st Cir. 2011), cert. denied, 132 S.Ct. 1002 (2012).

[3]  SeeThe Council for Education and Research on Toxics” (July 9, 2013).

[4] Among the signatures were Nachman Brautbar, David C. Christiani, Richard W. Clapp, James Dahlgren, Arthur L. Frank, Peter F. Infante, Philip J. Landrigan, Barry S. Levy, David Ozonoff, David Rosner, Allan H. Smith, and Daniel Thau Teitelbaum.

[5]  Cranor at 286-87.

[6]  Cranor at 287.

[7]  Cranor at 287-88.

[8]  Cranor at 290.

[9]  “Cranor’s Defense of Milward at the CPR’s Celebration” (May 12, 2013).

[10]  Michelle Carbone, Jack Gruber, and May Wong, “Modern criteria to establish human cancer etiology,” 14 Semin. Cancer Biol. 397 (2004).

[11]  Michele Carbone, George Klein, Jack Gruber and May Wong, “Modern Criteria to Establish Human Cancer Etiology,” 64 Cancer Research 5518 (2004).

[12]  Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 639 F. 3d 11, 17 (1st Cir. 2011) (“when a group from the National Cancer Institute was asked to rank the different types of evidence, it concluded that ‘[t]here should be no such hierarchy’.”), cert. denied, 132 S.Ct. 1002 (2012).

[13]  Cranor at 292.

[14]  SeeWake Forest Publishes the Litigation Industry’s Views on Milward” (April 20, 2013).

[15]  Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 969 F. Supp. 2d 101 (D. Mass. 2013), aff’d sub nom. Milward v. Rust-Oleum Corp., 820 F.3d 469 (1st Cir. 2016).

A TrumPence for Your Thoughts

November 21st, 2020

Trigger Warning: Political Rant

“Let them call me rebel and welcome, I feel no concern from it; but I should suffer the misery of devils, were I to make a whore of my soul by swearing allegiance to one whose character is that of a sottish, stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish man.”

Thomas Paine, “The Crisis, Number 1” (Dec. 23, 1776), in Ian Shapiro & Jane E. Calvert, eds., Selected Writings of Thomas Paine 53, 58 (2014).

♂, ♀, ✳, †, ∞

Person, woman, man, camera, TV

Back on October 20, 2020, televangelist Pat Robertson heard voices in his head, and interpreted them to be the voice of god, announcing the imminent victory of Donald Trump. How Robertson knows he was not hearing the devil, he does not say. Even gods get their facts and predictions wrong sometimes. We should always ask for the data and the analysis.

Trump’s “spiritual advisor,” mega-maga-church pastor and televangelist, Paula White, violated the ban on establishment of religion, and prayed for Trump’s victory.[1] Speaking in tongues, White made Trump seem articulate. White wandered from unconstitutional into blatantly criminal territory, however, when she sought intervention of foreign powers in the election, by summoning angels from Africa and South America to help Trump win the election.  Trump seemed not to take notice that these angels were undocumented, illegal aliens. In the end, the unlawful aliens proved ineffective. Our better angels prevailed over Ms. White’s immigrant angels. Now ICE will now have to track these angels down and deport them back to their you-know-what countries of origin.

How did we get to this place? It is not that astute observers on the left and the right did not warn us.

Before Trump was elected in 2016, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg notoriously bashed Donald Trump, by calling him a “faker”:

“He has no consistency about him. He says whatever comes into his head at the moment. He really has an ego … How has he gotten away with not turning over his tax returns? The press seems to be very gentle with him on that.”[2]

Faker was a fitting epithet that captured Trump’s many pretensions. It is a word that has a broader meaning in the polyglot world of New York City, where both Justice Ginsburg and Donald Trump were born and grew up. The word has a similar range of connotations as trombenik, “a lazy person, ne’er-do-well, boastful loudmouth, bullshitter, bum.” Maybe we should modify trombenik to Trumpnik?

Justice Ginsburg’s public pronouncement was, of course, inappropriate, but accurate nonetheless. She did something, however, that Trump has never done in his public persona; she apologized:

“‘On reflection, my recent remarks in response to press inquiries were ill-advised and I regret making them’, Ginsburg said in a statement Thursday morning. ‘Judges should avoid commenting on a candidate for public office. In the future I will be more circumspect’.”[3]

Of course, Justice Ginsburg should have been more circumspect, but her disdain for Trump was not simply an aversion to his toxic politics and personality. Justice Ginsburg was a close friend of Justice Antonin Scalia, who was one of the most conservative justices on the Supreme Court bench. Ginsburg and Scalia could and did disagree vigorously and still share friendship and many common interests. Scalia was not a faker; Trump is.

Other conservative writers have had an equal or even a greater disdain for Trump. On this side of the Atlantic, principled conservatives rejected the moral and political chaos of Donald Trump. When Trump’s nomination as the Republican Party candidate for president seemed assured in June 2016, columnist George Will announced to the Federalist Society that he had changed his party affiliation from Republican to unaffiliated.[4]

On the other side of the Atlantic, conservative thinkers such as the late Sir Roger Scruton rolled their eyes at the prospect of Donald Trump’s masquerading as a conservative.[5] After Trump had the benefit of a few months to get his sea legs on the ship of state, Sir Roger noted that Trump was nothing more than a craven opportunist:

“Q. Does ‘Trumpism’ as an ideology exist, and if it does, is it conservative, or is it just opportunism?

A. It is opportunism. He probably does have conservative instincts, but let’s face it, he doesn’t have any thoughts that are longer than 140 characters, so how can he have a real philosophy?”[6]

Twitter did, at some point, double the number of characters permitted in a tweet, but Trump simply repeated himself more.

In the United States, we have had social conservatives, fiscal conservatives, classic liberal conservatives, and more recently, we have seen neo-cons, theo-cons, and Vichy cons. I suppose there have always been con-cons, but Trump has strongly raised the profile of this last subgroup. There can be little doubt that Donald John Trump has always been a con-con. Now we have Banana Republicans who have made a travesty of the rule of law. Four years in, we are all suffering from what Barak Obama termed “truth decay.”

Cancel culture has always been with us. Socrates, Jesus, and Julius Caesar were all canceled, with extreme prejudice. In the United States, Senator Joseph McCarthy developed cancel culture into a national past time. In this century, the Woke Left has weaponized cancel culture into a serious social and intellectual problem. Now, Donald Trump wants to go one step further and cancel our republican form of democracy. Trump is attempting in plain sight to cancel a national election he lost.

Yes, I have wandered from my main mission on this blog to write about tort law and about how the law handles scientific and statistical issues. My desultory writings on this blog have largely focused on evidence in scientific controversies that find their way into the law. Our political structures are created and conditioned by our law, and our commitment to the rule of law, and the mistreatment of scientific issues by political actors is as pressing a concern, to me at least, as mistreatment of science by judges or lawyers. Trump has now made the post-modernists look like paragons of epistemic virtue. As exemplified in the political response to the pandemic, this political development has important implications for the public acceptance of science and evidence-based policies and positions in all walks of life.

Another blogger whose work on science and risk I respect is David Zaruk, who openly acknowledges that Donald Trump is an “ethically and intellectually flawed train wreck of a politician.”[7] Like Trump apologists James Lindsay and Ben Shapiro, however, Zaruk excuses the large turnout for Trump because Trump voters:

“are sick to death of being told by smug, arrogant, sanctimonious zealots how to think, how to feel and how to act. Nobody likes to be fixed and especially not by self-righteous, moralising mercenaries.”

But wait:  Isn’t this putative defense itself a smug, arrogant, sanctimonious, and zealous lecture that we should somehow be tolerant of Trump and his supporters? What about the sickness unto death over Trump’s endless propagation of lies and fraud? Trump has set an example that empowers his followers to do likewise. Zaruk’s reductionist analysis ignores important determinants of the vote. Many of the Trump voters were motivated by the most self-righteous of all moralizing mercenaries – leaders of Christian nationalism.[8] Zaruk’s acknowledgement of Trump’s deep ethical and intellectual flaws, while refraining from criticizing Trump voters, fits the pattern of the Trump-supporting mass social media that engages in the rhetoric of gas-lighting “what-about-ism.”[9]

Sure, no one likes to be told that they are bereft of moral, practical, and political judgment, but voting for Trump is complicit in advancing “a deeply ethically and intellectually flawed” opportunist. Labeling all of Trump’s opponents as “smug, arrogant, sanctimonious zealots” is really as empty as Trump’s list of achievements. Furthermore, Zaruk’s animadversions against the Woke Left miss the full picture of who is criticizing Trump and his “base.” The critique of Trump has come not just from so-called progressives but from deeply conservative writers such as Will and Scruton, and from pragmatic conservative political commentators such as George Conway, Amanda Carpenter, Sarah Longwell, and Charles Sykes. There is no moral equivalency between the possibility that the Wokies will influence a Biden administration and the certainty that truly deplorable people such as Bannon, Gingrich, Giuliani, Navarro, et alia, will both influence and control our nation’s policy agenda.

Of course, Trump voters may honestly believe that a Democratic administration will be on the wrong side of key issues, such as immigration, abortion, gun control, regulation, taxation, and the like. Certainly opponents of the Democratic positions on these issues could seek an honest broker to represent their views. Trump voters, however, cannot honestly endorse the character and morality of Mr. Trump, his cabinet, and his key Senate enablers. Trump has been the Vector-in-Chief of contagion and lies. As for Trump’s evangelical Christian supporters, they have an irreconcilable problem with our fundamental prohibition against state establishment of religion.

It has been a difficult year for Trump. He has had the full 2020 experience. He developed COVID, lost his job, and received an eviction notice. And now he finds himself with electicle dysfunction. Trump has long been a hater and a denier. Without intending to libel his siblings, we can say that hating and denying are in his DNA. Trump hates and denies truth, evidence, valid inference, careful analysis and synthesis. He is the apotheosis of what happens when a corrupt, small-minded business man surrounds himself with lackies, yes-people, and emotionally damaged, financially dependent children.

Trump declared victory before the votes could be tallied, and he announced in advance, without evidence, that the election was rigged but only if it turned out with the “appearance” of his losing. After the votes were tallied, and he had lost by over 5,000,000 votes, and he lost the Electoral College by the same margin he labeled a “landslide” for him four years earlier, he claimed victory, contrary to the evidence, just as he said he would. Sore loser. Millions of voting Americans, to whom Zaruk would give a moral pass, do not see this as a problem.

In The Queen’s Gambit, a Netflix series, the stern, taciturn janitor of a girls’ orphanage, Mr. Shaibel, taught Beth Harmon, a seven year old, how to play chess. In one of their early games, Beth has a clearly lost position, and Mr. Shaibel instructs her, “now you resign.” Beth protests that she still has moves she can make before there is a checkmate, but Mr. Shaibel sternly repeats himself, “no, now you resign.” Beth breaks into tears and runs out of the room, but she learned the lesson and developed the resiliency, focus, and sportsmanship to play competitive chess at the highest level. If only Mr. Shaibel could have taught our current president this lesson, perhaps he would understand that the American electorate, both the self-styled progressives and conservatives who care about decency and morality, have united in saying to him, “now you resign.”

Dr. Mary Trump, the President’s niece, has written an unflattering psychological analysis of Trump. It does not take a Ph.D. in clinical psychology to see the problem. Donald Trump and his family do not have a dog. Before Donald Trump, James K. Polk (11th president) was the last president not to have a dog in the White House (March 4, 1845 – March 4, 1849). Polk died three months after leaving office.

I suppose there are some good people who do not like dogs, but liking and caring for dogs, and being open to their affection back, certainly marks people as capable of empathy, concern, and love. I could forgive the Obamas for never having had dogs before moving into the Whitehouse; they were a hard working, ambitious two career couple, living in a large city. They fixed their omission shortly upon Obama’s election. The absence of dog from the Trump White House speaks volumes about Trump. In a rally speech, he mocked: “Can you imagine me walking a dog?” Of course, he would not want to walk a dog down a ramp. How interesting that of all the criticisms lodged against Trump, the observation that he lacked canine companionship struck such a nerve that he addressed the matter defensively in one of his rallies. And how sad that he could not imagine his son Barron walking a dog. It was probably Barron’s only hope of having another living creature close to him show concern. Of course, Melania could walk the dog, which would allow her to do something useful and entertaining (besides ignoring the Christmas decorations), especially in her high-heel dog-walking shoes.

Saturday, November 7, 2020. O joy, o rapture! People danced in the streets of the Upper East. Cars honked horns. People hung out their windows and banged pots. Grown men and women shed tears of joy and laughter. A beautiful New York day, VD Day, not venereal disease day, but victory over Donald. Trump can begin to plan for the Trump Presidential Lie-brary and adult book store.

But wait. Trump legal advisor Harmeet Dhillon tells Lou Dobbs on the Fox News Channel: “We’re waiting for the United States Supreme Court – of which the president has nominated three justices – to step in and do something. And hopefully Amy Coney Barrett will come through.” Well, that was not a terribly subtle indication of the corruption in Trump’s soul and on his legal team. Americans now know all about loyalty oaths to the leader, and the abdication of principles. Fealty to Trump is the only principle; just read the Republican Party Platform.

Former White House chief strategist Steven Bannon was not to be out done in his demonstrations of fealty. Bannon called for Dr. Anthony Fauci and FBI Director Christopher Wray to be beheaded “as a warning to federal bureaucrats. You either get with the program or you are gone.” Bannon, of course, was not in a principal-agent relationship with Trump, as was Dhillon, but given that Trump has an opinion about everything on Twitter-Twatter, and that he was silent about Bannon’s call for decapitations, we have to take his silence as tacit agreement.

It does seem that many Republicans are clutching at straws to hang on. Fraud claims require pleading with particularity, and proof by clear and convincing evidence. Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. First and second order hearsay will not suffice. Surely, Rudy the Wanker knows this; indeed, when he has appeared in court, he has readily admitted that he is not pursuing a fraud case.[10] In open court, Guiliani, with a straight face, told a federal judge that his client was denied the opportunity to ensure opacity at the polls.[11]

Under the eye of Newt Gingrich, former Republican Speaker of the House, poll workers should be jailed, and Attorney General William P. Barr should step in to the fray. Never failing to disappoint, Bully Barr obliged. Still, the Republican attempt to win by litigation, a distinctly un-conservative approach, has been failing.[12]

How will we know when our national nightmare is over? There will not be the usual concession speech. Look for Trump’s announcement of his candidacy for the 2024 presidential election.

Donald J. Trump Foundation, Trump Airlines, Trump Magazine, Trump Steaks, Trump Vodka, Trump Mortgage, Trump: The Game, Trump University, GoTrump.com, Trump Marriage #1, Trump Marriage #2, Trump Taj Mahal, Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino, Plaza Hotel, Trump Castle Hotel and Casino, Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts, Trump Entertainment Resorts, Trumpnet – all failures – are now gone. Soon Trump himself will be gone as well.


Post-Script

A dimly lit room filled with coffins. Spider webs stretch across the room. Rats scurry across the floor. Slowly, the tops of the coffins are pushed open from within in, by arms of skeletons. The occupants of the coffins, skeleton, slowly get up and start talking.

Skeleton one: COVID, COVID, COVID, COVID, COVID, COVID, that’s all everyone wants to talk about.

Skeleton two: It’s no big deal; we were going to die anyway. Well at some point.

Skeleton three: And besides, now we are immune. Ha, ha, ha!

Skeleton four: Hey, look at us; we’re rounding the corner.

All, singing while dancing in a circle conga line:

We’ll be coming around the corner when he’s gone (toot, toot)

We’ll be coming around the corner when he’s gone (toot, toot)

We’ll be coming around the corner, we’ll be coming around the corner

We’ll be coming around the corner when he’s gone (toot, toot).


[1]  Wyatte Grantham-Philips, “Pastor Paula White calls on angels from Africa and South America to bring Trump victory,” USA TODAY (Nov. 5, 2020).

[2]  John Kruzel, “Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has taken to bashing Donald Trump in recent days,” (July 12, 2016).

[3]  Jessica Taylor, “Ginsburg Apologizes For ‘Ill-Advised’ Trump Comments,” Nat’l Public Radio (July 14, 2016).

[4]  Maggie Haberman, “George Will Leaves the G.O.P. Over Donald Trump,” N.Y. Times (June 25, 2016).

[5]  Roger Scruton, “What Trump Doesn’t Get About Conservatism,” N.Y. Times (July 4, 2018).

[6]  Tom Szigeti, “Sir Roger Scruton on Trump: ‘He doesn’t have any thoughts that are longer than 140 characters’,” Hungary Today (June 8, 2017).

[7]  David Zaruk, “The Trump Effect: Stop Telling me What to Think!,” RiskMonger (Nov. 5, 2020).

[8]  See Katherine Stewart, The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism (2020).

[9]  See Amanda Carpenter, Gaslighting America – Why We Love It When Trump Lies to Us 2018.

[10]  Lisa Lerer, “‘This Is Not a Fraud Case’: Keep an eye on what President Trump’s lawyers say about supposed voter fraud in court, where lying under oath is a crime,” (Nov. 18, 2020).

[11]  Gail Collins, “Barr the Bad or Rudy the Ridiculous?” N.Y. Times (Nov. 18, 2020).

[12]  Jim Rutenberg, Nick Corasaniti and Alan Feuer, “With No Evidence of Fraud, Trump Fails to Make Headway on Legal Cases,” N.Y. Times (Nov. 7, 2020); Aaron Blake, “It goes from bad to worse for the Trump legal team,” Wash. Post (Nov. 13, 2020); Alan Feuer, “Trump Loses String of Election Lawsuits, Leaving Few Vehicles to Fight His Defeat,” N.Y. Times (Nov. 13, 2020); Jon Swaine & Elise Viebeck, “Trump campaign jettisons major parts of its legal challenge against Pennsylvania’s election results,” Wash. Post (Nov. 15, 2020).

The Plague and Quackery Right & Left

June 19th, 2020

Earlier this week, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration announced the revocation of its emergency use authorization for chloroquine and hydroxychlorine (HCQ).[1] The FDA had originally granted the emergency use authorization for HCQ, on March 28, 2020, but its continued review found that the drug was “unlikely to be effective at treating COVID-19” and the potential risks of HCQ use outweigh any potential benefits. The Agency action was in line with the evolving standard of care for COVID-19, and the available evidence from clinical trials. The medical community applauded, but the Trump Administration, which had been stockpiling HCQ, labeled the revocation as “a Deep State blindside by bureaucrats who hate the administration they work for more than they’re concerned about saving American lives.”[2]

For weeks, Donald John Trump, the short-fingered vulgarian, the Orange Man, the loser of the 2016 popular vote, the Narcissist-in-Chief of the United States, has been hawking the anti-malarial medication HCQ as a potential therapy for COVID-19. Trump’s first public endorsement of HCQ came on March 19, 2020, after its use had been thoroughly scientifically vetted for a few days by talking heads at Fox News.[3] Foxy Laura Ingraham interviewed lawyer Gregory Rigano, author of one of the HCQ papers, who announced to Laura that HCQ can “just get rid of [the virus] completely.”

On April 24, the FDA “issued an alert warning doctors against prescribing the drug for COVID-19 outside of hospitals and research settings because of the risks of serious side effects and death.” Although Trump may be stupid, he is strong and resolute. On May 18, 2020, the nominal President of the United States, announced that he is taking hydroxychloroquine (HCQ), an anti-malaria medication that he had been hyping for months as a potential treatment for COVID-19.[4] When pressed for why he was taking HCQ for prophylaxis, Trump explained his basis:

“Here we go. Are you ready? Here’s my evidence. I get a lot of positive calls about it.”

Although Drs. Anthony Fauci and Deborah Birx have clearly explained that there was insufficient evidence to conclude that HCQ was efficacious in treating COVID-19, and no evidence that HCQ was preventative, Agent Orange followed the playbook he inherited early in life from Roy Cohen: never apologize, never acknowledge you have been wrong, just change the conversation.[5]

Trump’s embrace of HCQ was peculiar in the face of his usual disregard for prophylactics. Of course, Agent Orange’s advocacy for HCQ arose in the context of another lie: virus denial. Trump acolyte Rush Limbaugh has asseverated that the viral agent behind COVID-19 is

“‘the common cold’ that’s being ‘weaponized’ against Trump.”

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

“Now, I want to tell you the truth about the coronavirus. … Yeah, I’m dead right on this. The coronavirus is the common cold, folks.”[6]

In the United Kingdom, men who have contributed greatly to an activity and who have gained national and international respect are knighted by the Queen and become Knight Commanders of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire. In the United States, the President awards the National Medal of Freedom. During this year’s state-of-the-union address, Trump, while ignoring warnings of the COVID-19 pandemic, awarded the Medal to master trash-talker Rush Limbaugh. Remarkably, the toxicity of Agent Orange is manifested in support for both virus denial and for a bogus therapy.

Evidence is never really necessary for opinion, as Trump has taught us. For his endorsement of HCQ, Trump has, however, the opinion of “experts,” at the Association of American Physicians & Surgeons (AAPS). The AAPS has been stridently championing the cause of HCQ with what can be called only scientific propaganda,[7] including the debunked study by Didier Raoult, which has drawn a statement of concern from the scientific group, International Society of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy (ISAC), which publishes the journal in which Raoult’s results appeared.[8] The AAPS also relied upon claims made Vladimir Zelenko about 1,554 patients, for which he had “published no data, described no study design, and reported no analysis.” And since no quackfest would be complete without hard evidence from Mehmet Cengiz Öz, commonly known as Dr. Oz, the AAPS has dutifully reported that Oz had two patients to whom he gave HCQ, and both survived.

The HCQ issue is not the AAPS’s first quack rodeo. Those who follow the organization will sense déjà vu.[9] A sampler of AAPS’ scientific contributions to public policy debates include:

Abortion and Breast Cancer. The AAPS, on shoddy evidence, jumped on the issue whether abortion causes breast cancer, in 2002, to equate abortion for a teenager as “child abuse,” because the procedure will cause a “30% risk of breast cancer in her lifetime.” The AAPS ignored better and fairly definitive evidence of no association.

Vaccination and Austim. The AAPS has unrepentantly engaged in anti-vaccination propaganda. While acknowledging the scientific consensus against the claim that vaccines cause autism, the group raised hyperbolic doubts and threw itself in with conspiracy theorists to oppose mandatory vaccination.[10] When a measles outbreak occurred in Florida, in 2015, the AAPS issued a news release that “linked” autism with the measles vaccine.

HIV and AIDS. Despite the careful and well-documented conclusion of the National Academy of Science, in 1988, that AIDS was caused by a virus, HIV, the AAPS remains unconvinced. As recently as 2015, the AAPS, through its Executive Director Jane Orient, has questioned the connection and the standard-of-care treatment for HIV infection.

Barak Obama and Hypnotic Induction. In 2008, the AAPS website published an article that condemned Obama’s use of covert hypnotic techniques, which the group traced to Milton H. Erickson’s so-called neurolinguistic programming. The AAPS cited to “An Examination of Obama’s Use of Hidden Hypnosis Techniques in His Speeches,” a 67-page, unpublished, unsigned manuscript, on a right-wing conspiracy website, which no longer seems to have this masterpiece. Fortunately, the “proof” is still available online.

If the AAPS appears to trade in all manner of scientific quackery with a distinctive Republican flavor, then you will not be surprised that its General Counsel is Andrew Schafly, son of the late Phyllis Schafly (1924-2016). Mom was the Grand Dame of the know-nothing Republican party after she helped kill off the Nelson Rockefeller wing of the G.O.P.

Under Andrew Schafly’s deft legal guidance, the AAPS sued the FDA,[11] on June 2, 2020 to end “its arbitrary interference with the use of hydroxychloroquine.”[12] Schafly proudly cited his support for HCQ, which President Trump and other world leaders have taken as a prophylaxis against COVID-19.

The June 2nd AAPS Press Release generously cites and quotes Andrew Schafly’s pronouncements that

“that if everyone [sic] was allowed to take hydroxychloroquine, there would be no need for any social distancing or restrictions on mass gatherings”

and

“Entrenched, politically biased officials at the FDA should not be allowed to interfere with Americans’ right to access medication donated to the federal government for public use. … By preventing Americans’ use of HCQ as a prophylaxis, the FDA is infringing on First Amendment rights to attend religious services or participate in political events such as political conventions, town halls, and rallies in an important election year.”[13]

The litigious Mr. Schafly claims that “[t]here is no legal or factual basis for the FDA to limit use of HCQ,” and that the agency’s restrictions on HCQ are indefensible. The FDA was unmoved and proceeded yesterday to remove its emergency use authorization for HCQ.

We really did not need a plague to learn that Don Trumpolino and his acolytes were liars and buffoons. Still, the plague was, like so many other events, a great Rorschach epistemic test about care for the truth. In the 1980s, I thought that the toxicity of Agent Orange was exaggerated, but now that the theocons have dropped this weaponized Russian Agent Orange on the White House, I see that I was wrong. The entire country is suffering post-trumpatic stress disorder. We have all stepped in Tweety Turd. But why does truth have to be the first casualty?

The plague has, however, revealed the tenuous connection many United States citizens have with the truth. For anyone who has toiled in the American litigation stables, fragility of respect for truth is a given. Kurt Andersen’s book Fantasyland shows how exceptional Americans are when it comes to cults, conspiracies, fanaticism, fantasies, superstitions, and the like.[14] Andersen makes the point that more cults and new religions are spawned in the USA than in Europe or any else. No surprise then, when Andrew Wakefield was run out of the U.K., he found a warm embrace in the USA from RFK Jr. and Jenny McCarthy. Maybe the truth, small t, never had a chance in the United States, the land of Truth, big T, with its conspiracies and unbounded credulity.

Is American exceptionalism just another instance of the American public’s credulity? I would like to believe that our exceptionalism is real and tied to our great principles and the implicit promise that someday the promise of those principles will be kept.[15] Today, American exceptionalism looks more like an excuse to avoid our own Vergangenheitsbewältigung over slavery and genocide. We have an entrenched minority who adore the Confederacy and its pantheon of losers, traitors, and racists.

Even so, there are traps of untruthfulness on the left, as we see in the New Woke Times’ reinventing history to make slavery into an abuse of capitalism, when in fact slavery was the ultimate alienation of human beings from their labor through force, feudalism, and religion. Apologists for Southern chattel slavery criticized Northern “free labor” capitalism, but woke scholarship finds this inconvenient. Today, facts seem disposable on the left as well, with much needed calls for racial justice and police reform, larded down with virtue signaling and hand-waving excuse mongering for looting and failure to insist that all people stop resisting arrest. These are tough times for the truth.


[1]  FDA Press Release, “Coronavirus (COVID-19) Update: FDA Revokes Emergency Use Authorization for Chloroquine and Hydroxychloroquine” (June 15, 2020); Molly Walker, “HCQ No Longer Approved Even a Little for COVID-19 – Study after study showed no benefit, and now the FDA has had enough,” MedPage Today (June 15, 2020).

[2]  Sheryl Gay Stolberg, “A Mad Scramble to Stock Millions of Malaria Pills, Likely for Nothing,” N.Y. Times (June 16, 2020) (quoting Trump’s Trade Advisor Peter Navarro). Curiously, the Administration has ignored the emerging potentially good news about the efficacy of dexamethasone in treating seriously ill COVID-19 patients, as shown in a randomized clinical trial, which is not yet peer reviewed and published. Benjamin Mueller & Roni Caryn Rabin, “Common Drug Reduces Coronavirus Deaths, Scientists Report,” N.Y. Times (June 16, 2020).

[3]  Philip Bump, “The rise and fall of Trump’s obsession with hydroxychloroquine – Forty days of promotion, hype – and eventual retreat,” Wash. Post (April 24, 2020).

[4]  “Remarks by President Trump in a Roundtable with Restaurant Executives and Industry Leaders” (May 18, 2020).

[5]   Andrew Solender, “All The Times Trump Has Promoted HydroxychloroquineForbes (May 22, 2020).

[6]   Allyson Chiu, “Rush Limbaugh on coronavirus: ‘The common cold’ that’s being ‘weaponized’ against Trump,” Wash. Post (Feb. 25, 2020); See alsoThe corona virus is the common cold”; “Rush Limbaugh: coronavirus a ‘common cold’ being ‘weaponised’ against Trump,” The Guardian (Feb. 25, 2020). See generally Anthony Bardon, “Science Denial,” chap. 2, in The Truth About Denial: Bias and Self-Deception in Science, Politics, and Religion (2019) (exploring the role of cognitive dissonance, motivated reasoning, and confirmation bias, in science denialism).

[7]   “Hydroxychloroquine Has about 90 Percent Chance of Helping COVID-19 Patients,” AAPS (April 28, 2020).

[8]   The ISAC reported that Raoult’s work “does not meet the Society’s expected standard,” and that the ISAC was concerned “regarding the content, the ethical approval of the trial and the process that this paper underwent.”

[9]  David Gorski, “The Association of American Physicians and Surgeons: Ideology trumps science-based medicine,” Science-Based Med. (June 23, 2008).

[10]   AAPS, “Statement on Federal Vaccine Mandates” (Feb. 26, 2019).

[11]   The AAPS complaint is available at its website: http://aapsonline.org/judicial/aaps-v-fda-hcq-6-2-2020.pdf

[12]   “AAPS Sues the FDA to End Its Arbitrary Restrictions on Hydroxychloroquine,” AAPS (June 2, 2020).

[13]    Id.

[14]  Kurt Andersen, Fantasyland: How America Went Haywire – A 500-Year History (2017).

[15]  See, e.g., People v. Ruggles, 8 Johns. R. 290 (N.Y. 1811) (Kent, C.J.) (holding that common law of crime prohibited blasphemy but only for blasphemy against Chancellor Kent’s own religious superstitions).

A New Egilman Bully Pulpit

February 19th, 2020

Larding Up the Literature

Another bio-medical journal? In October 2019, The Journal of Scientific Practice and Integrity published its inaugural volume one, number one issue, online. This journal purports to cover scientific integrity issues, which may well not be adequately covered in the major biomedical journals. There are reasons to believe, however, that this journal may be more of a threat to scientific integrity than a defender.

The journal describes itself:

“an interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal that publishes scholarly debate and original research on scientific practices that impact human and environmental health.”

The editorial board reads like a Who’s Who’s list of “political scientists” who testify a LOT for claimants, and who, when not working for the lawsuit industry, practice occupational and environmental medicine for the redistribution of wealth in the Western world.

David Egilman, contemnor and frequent plaintiffs’ expert witness in personal injury litigation is editor in chief. Tess Bird, an Egilman protégé, is managing editor. Another Egilman protégé, Susana Rankin Bohme, an associate Director of Research at Corporate Accountability International, also sits on the editorial board. You may be forgiven for believing that this journal will be an Egilman vanity press.

The editorial board also includes some high-volume testifying plaintiffs expert witnesses:

Peter Infante, of Peter F. Infante Consulting, LLC, Virginia

Adriane Fugh-Berman, of PharmedOut

Barry Castleman,

William E. Longo, President, MAS, LLC

David Madigan,

Michael R. Harbut, and

David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, my favorite left-wing radical historians.

The journal identifies the Collegium Ramazzini as one of its partners. Cute the “Интернационал”!

The first issue of this new journal features a letter[1] from the chief and managing editors, Egilman and Bird, which states wonderfully aspirational goals. The trick will be whether the journal can apply its ethical microscope to all actors in the world of scientific publishing, or whether this new journal is just not another propaganda outlet for the special pleading by the lawsuit industry.


[1]  Tess Bird & David Egilman, “Letter from the Editors: An Introduction to the Journal of Scientific Practice and Integrity,” 1 J. Sci. Practice & Integrity 1 (2019).

Counter Cancel Culture Part III – Fixing Science

February 14th, 2020

This is the last of three posts about Cancel Culture, and the National Association of Scholars (NAS) conference on Fixing Science, held February 7th and 8th, in Oakland, California.

In finding my participation in the National Association of Scholars’ conference on Fixing Science, “worrying” and “concerning,” John Mashey takes his cues from the former OSHA Administrator, David Michaels. David Michaels has written much about industry conflicts of interests and efforts to influence scientific debates and discussions. He popularized the notion of “manufacturing doubt,”[1] with his book of that title. I leave it to others to decide whether Mashey’s adverting to Michaels’ work, in finding my writings on silica litigation “concerning” and “worrying,” is itself worrisome. In order to evaluate Mashey’s argument, such as it is, the reader should know something more about David Michaels, and his publications.[2]

As one might guess from its title, The Triumph of Doubt: Dark Money and the Science of Deception, Michaels’ new book s appears to be a continuation of his attack on industry’s efforts to influence regulation. I confess not to have read this new book yet, but I am willing to venture a further guess that the industry Michaels is targeting is manufacturing industry, not the lawsuit industry, for which he has worked on many occasions. There is much irony (and no little hypocrisy) in Michaels’ complaints about dark money and the science of deception. For many years, Michaels ran the now defunct The Project on Scientific Knowledge and Public Policy (SKAPP), which was bankrolled by the plaintiffs’ counsel in the silicone gel breast implant litigation. Whenever SKAPP sponsored a conference, or a publication, the sponsors or authors dutifully gave a disclosure that the meeting or publication was underwritten by “a grant from the Common Benefit Trust, a fund established pursuant to a federal court order in the Silicone Gel Breast Implant Products Liability litigation.”

Non-lawyers might be forgiven for thinking that SKAPP and its propaganda had the imprimatur of the federal court system, but nothing could be further from the truth. A common benefits fund is the pool of money that is available to plaintiffs’ lawyers who serve on the steering committee of a large, multi-district litigation, to develop expert witnesses, analyze available scientific studies, and even commission studies of their own.[3] The source of the money was a “tax” imposed upon all settlements with defendants, which funneled the money into the so-called common benefits fund, controlled by the leadership of the plaintiffs’ counsel. When litigating the silicone gel breast implant cases involving claims of autoimmune disease became untenable due to an overwhelming scientific consensus against their causal claims,[4] the leadership of the plaintiffs’ steering committee gave the remaining money to SKAPP, rather than returning the money to the plaintiffs themselves.  David Michaels and his colleagues at SKAPP then misrepresented the source of the money as coming from a “trust fund” established by the federal court, which sounded rather like a neutral, disinterested source. This fund, however, was “walking around” money for the plaintiffs’ lawyers, which belonged to the settling plaintiffs, and which was diverted into a major propaganda effort against the judicial gatekeeping of expert witness opinion testimony.[5] A disinterested reader might well believe that David Michaels thus has some deep personal experience with “dark money,” and “the science of deception.” Mashey might be well advised to consider the adjacency issues raised by his placing such uncritical trust in what Michaels has published.

Regardless of David Michaels’ rhetoric, doubt is not such a bad thing in the face of uncertain and inconclusive evidence. In my view, we could use more doubt, and open-minded thought. Bertrand Russell is generally credited with having written some years ago:

“The biggest cause of trouble in the world today is that the stupid people are so sure about things and the intelligent folks are so full of doubts.”

What are we to make then of the charge by Dorothy Bishop that the conference would not be about regular scientific debate, but

“about weaponising the reproducibility debate to bolster the message that everything in science is uncertain — which is very convenient for those who wish to promote fringe ideas.”

I attended and presented at the conference because I have a long-standing interest in how scientific validity is assessed in the scientific and in the legal world. I have been litigating such issues in many different contexts for over 35 years, with notable scientific experts occasionally on either side. One phenomenon I have observed repeatedly is that expert witnesses of the greatest skill, experience, and knowledge are prone to cognitive biases, fallacies, and other errors. One of my jobs as a legal advocate is to make sure that my own expert witnesses engage fully with the evidence as well as how my adversaries are interpreting the evidence. In other words, expert witnesses of the highest scientific caliber succumb to biases in interpreting studies and evidence.

A quick anecdote, war story, will I hope make the point. A few years ago, I was helping a scientist get ready to testify in a case involving welding fume exposure and Parkinson’s disease. The scientist arrived with some PowerPoint slides, one of which commented that a study relied upon by plaintiffs’ expert witnesses had a fatal design flaw that rendered its conclusions invalid. Another slide embraced a study, sponsored by a co-defendant company, which had a null result but the same design flaw called out in the study used by plaintiff’s witnesses. It was one in the morning, but I gently pointed out the inconsistency, and the scientist immediately saw the problem and modified his slides.

The next day, my adversary noticed the lack of the codefendant’s study in the group of studies this scientist had relied upon. He cross-examined the scientist about why he had left out a study, which the codefendant had actually sponsored. The defense expert witness testified that the omitted study had the same design flaw as seen in the study embraced by plaintiffs’ expert witnesses, and that it had to be consigned to the same fate. The defense won this case, and long after the celibration died down, I received a very angry call from a lawyer for the codefendant. The embrace of bad studies and invalid inferences is not the exclusive province of the plaintiffs’ bar.

My response to Dorothy Bishop is that science ultimately has no political friends, although political actors will try to use criteria of validity selectively to arrive at convenient, and agreeable results. Do liberals ever advance junk science claims? Just say the words: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. How bizarre and absurd for Kennedy to come out of a meeting with Trump’s organization, to proclaim a new vaccine committee to investigate autism outcomes! Although the issue has been explored in detail in medical journals for the last two decades, apparently there can even be bipartisan junk science. Another “litmus test” for conservatives would be whether they speak out against what are, in my view, unsubstantiated laws in several “Red States,” which mandate that physicians tell women who are seeking abortions that abortions cause breast cancer. There have been, to be sure, some studies that reported increased risks, but they were mostly case-control studies in which recall and reporting biases were uncontrolled. Much better, larger cohort studies done with unbiased information about history of abortions failed to support the association, which no medical organization has taken to be causal. This is actually a good example of irreproducibility that is corrected by the normal evolutionary process of scientific research, with political exploitation of the earlier, less valid studies.

Did presenters at the Fixing Science conference selectively present and challenge studies? It is difficult for me to say, not having a background in climate science. I participated in the conference to talk about how courts deal with problems of unreliable expert witness testimony and reliance upon unreliable studies. But what I heard at the conference were two main speakers argue that climate change and its human cause were real. The thrust of the most data-rich presentation was that many climate models advanced are overstated and not properly calibrated.  Is Bishop really saying that we cannot have a civil conversation about whether some climate change models are poorly done and validated? Assuming that the position I heard is a reasonable interpretation of the data and the models, it establishes a “floor” in opposition to the ceilings asserted by other climate scientists. There are some implications; perhaps the National Association of Scholars should condemn Donald Trump and others who claim that climate change is a hoax. Of course, condemning Trump every time he says something false, stupid, and unsupported would be a full time job. Having staked out an interest climate change, the Association might well consider balancing the negative impression others have of it as “deniers.”

The Science Brief

Back in June 2018, the National Association of Scholars issued a Science Brief, which it described as its official position statement in the area. A link to the brief online was broken, but a copy of the brief was distributed to those who attended the Fixing Science conference in Oakland. The NAS website does contain an open letter from Dr. Peter Wood, the president of the NAS, who described the brief thus:

“the positions we have put forward in these briefs are not settled once and for all. We expect NAS members will critique them. Please read and consider them. Are there essential points we got wrong? Others that we left out? Are there good points that could be made better?

We are not aiming to compile an NAS catechism. Rather, we are asked frequently by members, academics who are weighing whether to join, reporters, and others what NAS ‘thinks’ about various matters. Our 2,600 members (and growing) no doubt think a lot of different things. We prize that intellectual diversity and always welcome voices of dissent on our website, in our conferences, and in our print publications. But it helps if we can present a statement that offers a first-order approximation of how NAS’s general principles apply to particular disciplines or areas of inquiry.

We also hope that these issue briefs will make NAS more visible and that they will assist scholars who are finding their way in the maze of contemporary academic life.

As a preface to an attempt to address general principles, Peter Wood’s language struck me as liberal, in the best sense of open-minded and generous in spirit to the possibility of reasoned disagreement.

So what are the NAS principles when it comes to science? Because the Science Brief seems not to be online at the moment, I will quote it here at length:

OVERVIEW

The National Association of Scholars (NAS) supports the proper teaching and practice of science: the systematic exercise of reason, observation, hypothesis, and experiment aimed at understanding and making reliable predictions about the material world. We work to keep science as a mode of inquiry engaged in the disinterested pursuit of truth rather than a collection of ‘settled’ conclusions. We also work to integrate course requirements in the unique history of Western science into undergraduate core curricula and distribution requirements. The NAS promotes scientific freedom and transparency.

We support researchers’ freedom to formulate and test any scientific hypothesis, unconstrained by political inhibitions. We support researchers’ freedom to pursue any scientific experiment, within ethical research guidelines. We support transparent scientific research, to foster the scientific community’s collective search for truth.

The NAS supports course requirements on the history and the nature of the Western scientific tradition.

All students should learn a coherent general narrative of the history of science that tells how the scientific disciplines interrelate. We work to restore core curricula that include both the unique history of Western science and an introduction to the distinctive mode of Western scientific reasoning. We also work to add new requirements in statistics and experimental design for majors and graduate students in the sciences and social sciences.

The NAS works to reform the practice of modern science so that it generates reproducible results. Modern science and social science are crippled by a crisis of reproducibility. This crisis springs from a combination of misused statistics, slipshod research techniques, and political groupthink. We aim to eliminate the crisis of reproducibility by grounding scientific practice in the meticulous traditions of Western scientific thought and rigorous reproducibility standards.

The NAS works to eliminate the politicization of undergraduate science education.

Our priority is to dismantle advocacy-based science, which discards the exercise of rational skepticism in pursuit of truth when it explicitly declares that scientific inquiry should serve policy advocacy. We therefore work to remove advocacy-based science from the classroom and from university bureaucracies. We also criticize student movements that demand the replacement of disinterested scientific inquiry with advocacy-based science. We focus our critiques on disciplines such as climate science that are mostly engaged in policy advocacy.

The NAS tracks scientific controversies that affect public policy, studies the remedies that scientists propose, and criticizes laws, regulations, and proposed policies based upon advocacy-based science.

We do this to prevent a vicious cycle in which advocacy-based science justifies the misuse of government – and private funding to support yet more advocacy-based science. We also work to reform the administration of government science funding so as to prevent its capture by advocacy-scientists.  The NAS’s scientific reports draw on the expertise of its member scholars and staff, as well as independent scholars. Our aim is to provide professionally credible critiques of America’s science education and science-based public policy.

John Mashey in his critique of the NAS snarkily comments that folks at the NAS lack the expertise to make the assessments they call for. Considering that Mashey is a computer scientist, without training in the climate or life sciences, his comments fall short of their mark. Still, if he were to have something worthwhile to say, and he supported his statements by sufficient evidence and reasoning, I believe we should take it seriously.

Nonetheless, the NAS statement of principles and concerns about how science and statistics is taught are unexceptional. I suspect that neither Mashey nor anyone else is against scientific freedom, methodological rigor,  and ethical, transparent research.

The scientific, mathematical, and statistical literacy of most judges and lawyers, is poor indeed. The Law School Admission Test (LSAT) does not ask any questions about statistical reasoning. A jury trial is not a fair, adequate opportunity to teach jurors the intricacies of statistical and scientific methods. Most medical schools still do not teach a course in experimental design and statistical analysis. Until recently, the Medical College Acceptance Test (MCAT) did not ask any questions of a statistical nature, and the test still does not require applicants to have taken a full course in statistics. I do not believe any reasonable person could be against the NAS’s call for better statistical education for scientists, and I would add for policy makers. Certainly, Mashey offers no arguments or insights on this topic.

Perhaps Mashey is wary of the position that we should be skeptical of advocacy-based science, for fear that climate-change science will come in for unwelcomed attention. If the science is sound, the data accurate, and the models valid, then this science does not need to be privileged and protected from criticism. Whether Mashey cares to acknowledge the phenomenon or not, scientists do become personally invested in their hypotheses.

The NAS statement of principles in its Science Brief thus seems worthy of everyone’s support. Whether the NAS is scrupulous in applying its own principles to positions it takes will require investigation and cautious vigilance. Still, I think Mashey should not judge anyone harshly lest he be so judged. We are a country of great principles, but a long history of indifferent and sometimes poor implementation. To take just a few obvious examples, despite the stirring words in the Declaration of Independence about the equality of all men, native people, women, and African slaves were treated in distinctly unequal and deplorable ways. Although our Constitution was amended after the Civil War to enfranchise former slaves, our federal government, after an all-too-short period of Reconstruction, failed to enforce the letter or the spirit of the Civil War amendments for 100 years, and then some. Less than seven years after our Constitution was amended to include freedom from governmental interference with speech or publication, a Federalist Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which President Adams signed into law in 1798. It would take over 100 years before the United States Supreme Court would make a political reality of the full promise of the First Amendment.

In these sad, historical events, one thing is clear. The promise and hope of clearly stated principles did prevail. To me, the lesson is not to belittle the principles or the people, but to hold the latter to the former.  If Mashey believes that the NAS is inconsistent or hypocritical about its embrace of what otherwise seems like worthwhile first principles, he should say. For my part, I think the NAS will find it difficult to avoid a charge of selectivity if it were to criticize climate change science, and not cast a wider net.

Finally, I can say that the event sponsored by the Independent Institute and the NAS featured speakers with diverse, disparate opinions. Some speakers denied that there was a “crisis,” and some saw the crisis as overwhelming and destructive of sound science. I heard some casual opinions of climate change skepticism, but from the most serious, sustained look at the actual data and models, an affirmation of anthropogenic climate change. In the area of health effects, the scientific study more relevant to what I do, I heard a fairly wide consensus about the need to infuse greater rigor into methodology and to reduce investigators’ freedom to cherry pick data and hypotheses after data collection is finished. Even so, there were speakers with stark disagreement over methods. The conference was an important airing and exchanging of many ideas. I believe that those who attended and who participated went away with less orthodoxy and much to contemplate. The Independent Institute and the NAS deserve praise for having organized and sponsored the event. The intellectual courage of the sponsors in inviting such an intellectually diverse group of speakers undermines the charge by Mashey, Teytelman, and Bishop that the groups are simply shilling for Big Oil.


[1]        David Michaels, Doubt is Their Product: How Industry’s Assault on Science Threatens Your Health (2008).

[2]        David Michaels, The Triumph of Doubt: Dark Money and the Science of Deception (2020).

[3]        See, e.g., William Rubenstein, “On What a ‘Common Benefit Fee’ Is, Is Not, and Should Be,” Class Action Attorney Fee Digest 87, 89 (March 2009).

[4]        In 1999, after much deliberation, the Institute of Medicine issued a report that found the scientific claims in the silicone litigation to be without scientific support. Stuart Bondurant, et al., Safety of Silicone Breast Implants (I.O.M. 1999).

[5]        I have written about the lack of transparency and outright deception in SKAPP’s disclosures before; seeSKAPP A LOT” (April 30, 2010); “Manufacturing Certainty” (Oct. 25, 2011); “The Capture of the Public Health Community by the Litigation Industry” (Feb. 10, 2014); “Daubert’s Silver Anniversary – Retrospective View of Its Friends and Enemies” (Oct. 21, 2018); “David Michaels’ Public Relations Problem” (Dec. 2, 2011)

Counter Cancel Culture – Part II: The Fixing Science Conference

February 12th, 2020

So this is what it is like to be denounced? My ancestors fled the Czar’s lands before they could be tyrannized by denunciations of Stalin’s Soviets. The work of contemporary denunciators is surely much milder, but no more principled than the Soviet versions of yesteryear.

Now that I am back from the Fixing Science conference, sponsored by the Independent Institute and the National Association of Scholars (NAS), I can catch up with the media coverage of the event. I have already addressed Dr. Lenny Teytelman’s issues in an open letter to him. John Mashey is a computer scientist who has written critical essays on climate science denial. On the opening day of the NAS conference, he published online his take on the recent NAS’s conference on scientific irreproducibility.[1] Mashey acknowledges that the Fixing Science conference included “credible speakers who want to improve some areas of science hurt by the use of poor statistical methods or making irreproducible claims,” but his post devolves into scurrilous characterizations of several presenters. Alas, some of the ad hominems are tossed at me, and here is what I have to say about them.

Mashey misspells my name, “Schactman,” but that is a minor flaw of scholarship. He writes that I have “published much on evidence,” which is probably too laudatory. I am hardly a recognized scholar on the law of evidence, although I know something about this area, and have published in it.

Mashey tautologically declares that I “may or may not be a ‘product defense lawyer’ (akin to Louis Anthony Cox) defending companies against legitimate complaints.” Mashey seems unaware of how the rule of law works in our country. Plaintiffs file complaints, but the standard for the legitimacy of these complaints is VERY low. Courts require the parties to engage in discovery of their claims and defenses, and then courts address dispositive motions to dismiss either the claims or the defenses. So, sometimes after years of work, legitimate complaints are revealed to be bogus complaints, and then the courts will dismiss bogus complaints, and thus legitimate complaints become illegitimate complaints. In my 36 years at the bar, I am proud to have been able to show that a great many apparently legitimate complaints were anything but what they seemed.

Mashey finds me “worrying” and “concerning.” My children are sometimes concerned about me, and even worry about me, about I do not think that Mashey was trying to express solicitude for me.

Why worry? Well, David Michaels in his most recent book, Triumph of Doubt (2020), has an entire chapter on silica dust. And I, worrisomely, have written and spoken, about silica and silicosis litigation, sometimes in a way critical of the plaintiffs’ litigation claims. Apparently, Mashey does not worry that David Michaels may be an unreliable protagonist who worked as a paid witness for the lawsuit industry on many occasions before becoming the OSHA Administrator, in which position he ignored enforcement of existing silica regulations in order to devote a great deal of time, energy, and money to revising the silica regulations. The evidentiary warrant for Michaels’ new silica rule struck me then, and now, as slim, but the real victims, workers, suffered because Michaels was so intent on changing a rule in the face of decades of declining silicosis mortality, that he failed, in my view, to attend to specific instances of over-exposure.

Mashey finds me concerning because two radical labor historians do not like me. (I think I am going eat a worm, ….) Mashey quotes at length from an article by these historians, criticizing me for having had the audacity to criticize them.[2] Oh my.

What Mashey does not tell his readers was that, as co-chair of a conference on silicosis litigation (along with a co-chair who was a plaintiffs’ lawyer), I invited historian Gerald Markowitz to speak and air his views on the history of silica regulation and litigation. In response, I delivered a paper that criticized, and I would dare say, rebutted many of Markowitz’s historical conclusions and his inferences from an incomplete, selectively assembled, and sometimes incorrect, set of historical facts. I later published my paper.

Mashey tells his readers that my criticisms, based not upon what I wrote, but upon the partisan cries of Rosner and Markowitz, “seems akin to Wood’s style of attack.” Well, if so, nicely done, Woods.

But does Mashey believe that his readers deserve to know that Rosner and Markowitz have testified repeatedly on behalf of the lawsuit industry, that is, those entrepreneurs who make lawsuits?[3] And that Rosner and Markowitz have been amply remunerated for their labors as partisan witnesses in these lawsuits?

And is Mashey worried or concerned that in the United States, silicosis litigation has been infused with fraud and deception, not by the defendants, but by the litigation industry that creates the lawsuits? Absent from Rosner and Markowitz’s historical narratives is any mention of the frauds that have led to dismissals of thousands of cases, and the professional defrocking of any number of physician witnesses.  In re Silica Products Liab. Litig., MDL No. 1553, 398 F. Supp. 2d 563 (S.D.Tex. 2005). Even the redoubtable expert witness for the plaintiffs’ bar, David S. Egilman, has published articles that point out the unethical and unlawful nature of the medico-legal screenings that gave rise to the silicosis litigation, which Michaels, Rosner, and Markowitz seem to support, or at the very least suppress any criticism of.[4]

So this is what it means to be denounced! Mashey’s piece is hardly advertisement for the intellectual honesty of those who would de-platform the NAS conference. He has selectively and inaccurately addressed my credentials. As just one example, and in an effort to diminish the NAS, he has omitted that I have received a grant from the NASEM to develop a teaching module on scientific causation. My finished paper is published online at the NASEM website.[5]

I do not know Mashey, but I leave it to you to judge him by his sour fruits.


[1]  John Mashey, “Dark-Moneyed Denialists Are Running ‘Fixing Science’ Symposium of Doubt,” Desmog Blog (Feb. 7, 2020).

[2]  David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, “The Trials and Tribulations of Two Historians:  Adjudicating Responsibility for Pollution and Personal Harm, 53 Medical History 271, 280-81 (2009) (criticizing me for expressing the view that historians should not be permitted to testify and thereby circumvent the rules of evidence). See also David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, “L’histoire au prétoire.  Deux historiens dans les procès des maladies professionnelles et environnementales,” 56 Revue D’Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine 227, 238-39 (2009) (same); D. Rosner, “Trials and Tribulations:  What Happens When Historians Enter the Courtroom,” 72 Law & Contemporary Problems 137, 152 (2009) (same). I once thought there was an academic standard that prohibited duplicative publication!

[3] I have been critical of Rosner and Markowitz on many occasions; they have never really responded to the substance of my criticisms. See, e.g., “How Testifying Historians Are Like Lawn-Mowing Dogs,” (May 15, 2010).

[4]  See David Egilman and Susanna Rankin Bohme, “Attorney-directed screenings can be hazardous,” 45 Am. J. Indus. Med. 305 (2004); David Egilman, “Asbestos screenings,” 42 Am. J. Indus. Med. 163 (2002).

[5]  “Drug-Induced Birth Defects: Exploring the Intersection of Regulation, Medicine, Science, and Law – An Educational Module” (2016) (A teaching module designed to help professional school students and others evaluate the role of science in decision-making, developed for the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine, and its Committee on Preparing the Next Generation of Policy Makers for Science-Based Decisions).

California Roasts Fear-Mongering Industry

June 16th, 2019

A year ago, California set out to create an exemption for coffee from its Proposition 65 regulations. The lawsuit industry, represented by the Council for Education and Research on Toxics (CERT) had been successfully deploying Prop 65’s private right of action provisions to pick the pockets of coffee vendors. Something had to give.

In 2010, Mr. Metzger, on behalf of CERT, sued Starbucks and 90 other coffee manufacturers and distributors, claiming they had failed to warn consumers about the cancer risks of acrylamide. CERT’s mission was to shake down the roasters and the vendors because coffee has minor amounts of acrylamide in it. Acrylamide in very high doses causes tumors in rats[1]; coffee consumption by humans is generally regarded as beneficial.

Earlier last year a Los Angeles Superior Court ordered the coffee companies to put cancer warnings on their beverages. In the upcoming damages phase of the case, Metzger sought as much as $2,500 in civil penalties for each cup of coffee the defendants sold over at least a decade. Suing companies for violating California’s Proposition 65 is like shooting fish in a barrel, but the State’s regulatory initiative to save California from the embarrassment of branding coffee a carcinogen was a major setback for CERT.

And so the Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment (OEHHA) began a rulemaking largely designed to protect the agency from the public relations nightmare created by the application of the governing statute and regulations to squeeze the coffee roasters and makers.[2] The California’s agency’s proposed regulation on acrylamide in coffee resulted in a stay of CERT’s enforcement action against Starbucks.[3] CERT’s lawyers were not pleased; they had already won a trial court’s judgment that they were owed damages, and only the amount needed to be set. In September 2018, CERT filed a lawsuit in Los Angeles Superior Court against the state of California challenging OEHHA’s proposed rule, saying it was being rammed through the agency on the order of the Office of the Governor in an effort to kill CERT’s suit against the coffee companies. Or maybe it was simply designed to allow people to drink their coffee without the Big Prop 65 warning.

Earlier this month, after reviewing voluminous submissions and holding a hearing, the OEHHA announced its ruling that Californians do not need to be warned that coffee causes cancer. Epistemically, coffee is not known to the State of California to be hazardous to human health.[4] According to Sam Delson, a spokesperson for the OEHHA, “Coffee is a complex mixture of hundreds of chemicals that includes both carcinogens and anti-carcinogens. … The overall effect of coffee consumption is not associated with any significant cancer risk.” The regulation saving coffee goes into effect in October 2019. CERT, no doubt, will press on in its litigation campaign against the State.

CERT is the ethically dodgy organization founded by C. Sterling Wolfe, a former environmental lawyer; Brad Lunn; Carl Cranor, a philosophy professor at University of California Riverside; and Martyn T. Smith, a toxicology professor at University of California Berkeley.[5] Metzger has been its lawyer for many years; indeed, Metzger and CERT share the same office. Smith has been the recipient of CERT’s largesse in funding toxicologic studies. Cranor and Smith have both testified for the lawsuit industry.

In the well-known Milward case,[6] both Cranor and Smith served as paid expert witnesses for plaintiff. When the trial court excluded their proffered testimonies as unhelpful and unreliable, their own organization, CERT, came to the rescue by filing an amicus brief in the First Circuit. Supporting by a large cast of fellow travelers, CERT perverted the course of justice by failing to disclose the intimate relationship between the “amicus” CERT and the expert witnesses Cranor and Smith, whose opinions had been successfully challenged.[7]

The OEHHA coffee regulation shows that not all regulation is bad.


[1]  National Cancer Institute, “Acrylamide and Cancer Risk.”

[2]  See Sam Delson, “Press Release: Proposed OEHHA regulation clarifies that cancer warnings are not required for coffee under Proposition 65” (June 15, 2018).

[3]  Council for Education and Research on Toxics v. Starbucks Corp., case no. B292762, Court of Appeal of the State of California, Second Appellate District.

[4]  Associated Press, “Perk Up: California Says Coffee Cancer Risk Insignificant,” N.Y. Times (June 3, 2019); Sara Randazzo, “Coffee Doesn’t Warrant a Cancer Warning in California, Agency Says; Industry scores win following finding on chemical found in beverage,” W.S.J. (June 3, 2019); Editorial Board, “Coffee Doesn’t Kill After All: California has a moment of sanity, and a lawyer is furious,” Wall.St.J. (June 5, 2019).

[5]  Michael Waters, “The Secretive Non-Profit Gaming California’s Health Laws,” The Outline (June 18, 2018); Beth Mole, “The secretive nonprofit that made millions suing companies over cancer warnings,” Ars Technica (June 6, 2019); NAS, “Coffee with Cream, Sugar & a Dash of Acrylamide” (June 9, 2018); NAS, “The Council for Education & Research on Toxics” (July 9, 2013); NAS, “Sand in My Shoe – CERTainly” (June 17, 2014) (CERT briefs supported by fellow-travelers, testifying expert witnesses Jerrold Abraham, Richard W. Clapp, Ronald Crystal, David A. Eastmond, Arthur L. Frank, Robert J. Harrison, Ronald Melnick, Lee Newman, Stephen M. Rappaport, David Joseph Ross, and Janet Weiss, all without disclosing conflicts of interest).

[6]  Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 664 F. Supp. 2d 137, 148 (D.Mass. 2009), rev’d, 639 F.3d 11 (1st Cir. 2011), cert. den. sub nom. U.S. Steel Corp. v. Milward, 565 U.S. 1111 (2012), on remand, Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 969 F.Supp. 2d 101 (D.Mass. 2013) (excluding specific causation opinions as invalid; granting summary judgment), aff’d, 820 F.3d 469 (1st Cir. 2016).

[7]  NAS, “The Council for Education & Research on Toxics” (July 9, 2013) (CERT amicus brief filed without any disclosure of conflict of interest). The fellow travelers who knowingly or unknowingly aided CERT’s scheme to pervert the course of justice, included some well-known testifiers for the lawsuit industry: Nicholas A. Ashford, Nachman Brautbar, David C. Christiani, Richard W. Clapp, James Dahlgren, Devra Lee Davis, Malin Roy Dollinger, Brian G. Durie, David A. Eastmond, Arthur L. Frank, Frank H. Gardner, Peter L. Greenberg, Robert J. Harrison, Peter F. Infante, Philip J. Landrigan, Barry S. Levy, Melissa A. McDiarmid, Myron Mehlman, Ronald L. Melnick, Mark Nicas, David Ozonoff, Stephen M. Rappaport, David Rosner, Allan H. Smith, Daniel Thau Teitelbaum, Janet Weiss, and Luoping Zhang. See also NAS, “Carl Cranor’s Conflicted Jeremiad Against Daubert” (Sept. 23, 2018); Carl Cranor, “Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products: How the First Circuit Opened Courthouse Doors for Wronged Parties to Present Wider Range of Scientific Evidence” (July 25, 2011).

 

 

History of Silicosis Litigation

January 31st, 2019

“Now, Silicosis, you’re a dirty robber and a thief;
Yes, silicosis, you’re a dirty robber and a thief;
Robbed me of my right to live,
and all you brought poor me is grief.
I was there diggin’ that tunnel for just six bits a day;
I was diggin’ that tunnel for just six bits a day;
Didn’t know I was diggin’ my own grave,
Silicosis was eatin’ my lungs away.”

Josh White, “Silicosis Is Killin’ Me (Silicosis Blues)” (1936)

Recently, David Rosner, labor historian, social justice warrior, and expert witness for the litigation industry, gave the Fielding H. Garrison Lecture, in which he argued for the importance of the work that he and his comrade-in-arms, Gerald Markowitz, have done as historian expert witnesses in tort cases.1 Although I am of course grateful for the shout out that Professor Rosner gives me,2 I am still obligated to call him on the short-comings of his account of silicosis litigation.3 Under the rubric of “the contentious struggle to define disease,” Rosner presents a tendentious account of silicosis litigation, which is highly misleading, for what it says, and in particular, for it omits.

For Rosner’s self-congratulatory view of his own role in silicosis litigation to make sense, we must imagine a counterfactual world that is the center piece of his historical narrative in which silicosis remains the scourge of the American worker, and manufacturing industry is engaged in a perpetual cover up.

Rosner’s fabulistic account of silicosis litigation and his role in it falls apart under even mild scrutiny. The hazards of silica exposure were known to Josh White and the entire country in 1936. Some silicosis litigation arose in the 1930s against employers, but plaintiffs were clearly hampered by tort doctrines of assumption of risk, contributory negligence, the fellow-servant rule. To my knowledge, there were no litigation claims against remote suppliers of silica before the late 1970s, when courts started to experiment with hyperstrict liability rules.

Eventually, the litigation industry, buoyed by its successes against asbestos-product manufacturers turned their attention to silica sand suppliers to foundries and other industrial users. Liability claims against remote suppliers of a natural raw material such as silica sand, however, made no sense in terms of the rationales of tort law. There was no disparity of information between customer and supplier; the customer, plaintiffs’ employer was not only the cheapest and most efficient cost and risk avoider, the employer was the only party that could control the risk. Workers and their unions were well aware of the hazards of working in uncontrolled silica-laden workplaces.

Although employer compliance with safety and health regulations for silica exposure has never been perfect, the problem of rampant acute silicosis, such as what afflicted the tunnel workers memorialized by Josh White, is a thing of the past in the United States. The control of silica exposures and the elimination of silicosis are rightly claimed to be one of the great public health achievements of the 20th century. See Centers Disease Control, “Ten Great Public Health Achievements — United States, 1900-1999,” 48 Morbidity & Mortality Weekly Report 241 (April 02, 1999).

Interestingly, after World War II, silicosis has been a much greater problem in the communist countries, such as China, the countries that made up the Soviet Union. Rosner and Markowitz, however, like the leftist intellectuals of the 1950s who could not bring themselves to criticize Stalin, seem blind to the sorry state of workplace safety in communist countries. Their blindness vitiates their historical project, which attempts to reduce occupational diseases and other workplace hazards to the excesses of corporate capitalism. A fair comparison with non-capitalist systems would reveal that silicosis results from many motives and conditions, including inattention, apathy, carelessness, concern with productivity, party goals, and labor-management rivalries. In the case of silicosis, ignorance of the hazards of silica is the least likely explanation for silicosis cases arising out of workplace exposures after the mid-1930s.

In the United States, silicosis litigation has been infused with fraud and deception, not by the defendants, but by the litigation industry that creates lawsuits. Absent from Rosner’s historical narratives is any mention of the frauds that have led to dismissals of thousands of cases, and the professional defrocking of any number of physician witnesses.  In re Silica Products Liab. Litig., MDL No. 1553, 398 F.Supp. 2d 563 (S.D.Tex. 2005).

Nor does Rosner deign to discuss the ethical and legal breaches committed by the plaintiffs’ counsel in conducting radiographic screenings of workers, in the hopes of creating lawsuits. With the help of unscrupulous physicians, these screenings were unnaturally successful not only in detecting silicosis that did not exist, but in some cases, in transmuting real asbestosis into silicosis.4

Many silicosis cases in recent times were accompanied by more subtle frauds, which turned on the “failure-to-warn” rhetoric implicit in the Restatement (Second) of Torts § 402A. Consider the outbreak of silicosis litigation in western Pennsylvania, in the mid-1980s. Many of the men who claimed to have silicosis had significant silica exposure at the Bethlehem and U.S. Steel foundries in the Johnstown areas. Some of the claimants actually had simple silicosis, although discovery of these claimants’ workplace records revealed that they had been non-compliant with workplace safety rules.

The Johnstown, Cambria County, cases were not the result of unlawful medical screenings, paid for by plaintiffs’ lawyers and conducted by physicians of dubious integrity and medical acumen. Instead, the plaintiffs’ lawyers found their claimants as a result of the claimants’ having had previous workers’ compensation claims for silicosis, which resulted after the workers were diagnosed by employer medical screening programs.

Cambria County Courthouse in Ebensburg, PA (venue for an outbreak of silicosis litigation in the 1980s and early 1990s5)

The first of the foundrymen’s cases was set for trial in 1989, 30 years ago, in Cambria County, Pennsylvania. The silica cases were on the docket of the President Judge, the Hon. Joseph O’Kicki, who turned out to be less than honorable. Just before the first silica trial, Judge O’Kicki was arrested on charges of corruption, as well as lewdness (for calling in his female staff while lounging in chambers in his panties).

As a result of O’Kicki’s arrest, the only Cambria Country trial we saw in 1989 was the criminal trial of Judge O’Kicki, in Northampton County. In April 1989, a jury found O’Kicki guilty of bribery and corruption, although it acquitted him on charges of lewdness.6 Facing a sentence of over 25 years, and a second trial on additional charges, O’Kicki returned to the land of his forebears, Slovenia, where he lived out his days and contributed to the surplus population.7

Whatever schadenfreude experienced by the defendants in the Cambria County silicosis litigation was quickly dispelled by the assignment of the silica cases to the Hon. Eugene Creany, who proved to be an active partisan for the plaintiffs’ cause. Faced with a large backlog of cases created by the rapacious filings of the Pittsburgh plaintiffs’ lawfirms, and Judge O’Kicki’s furlough from judicial service, Judge Creany devised various abridgements of due process, the first of which was to consolidate cases. As a result, the first case up in 1990 was actually three individual cases “clustered” for a single jury trial: Harmotta, Phillips, and Peterson.8 To poke due process in both eyes, Judge Creany made sure that one of the “clustered” cases was a death case (Peterson).

Jury selection started in earnest on April 2, 1990, with opening statements set for April 4. In between, the defense made the first of its many motions for mistrial, when defense lawyers observed one of the plaintiffs, Mr. Phillips, having breakfast with some of the jurors in the courthouse cafeteria. Judge Creany did not seem to think that this pre-game confabulation was exceptional, and admonished the defense that folks in Cambria County are just friendly, but they are fair. Trial slogged on for four weeks, with new abridgments of due process almost every day, such as forcing defendants, with adverse interests and positions, into having one direct- and one cross-examination of each witness. The last motion for mistrial was provoked by Judge Creany’s walking into the jury room during its deliberations, to deliver doughnuts.

At the end of the day, in May 1990, the jury proved to be much fairer than the trial judge. Judge Creany instructed the jury that “silica was the defect,” and on other novel points of law. Led by its foreman, a union organizer for the United Mine Workers, the jury returned a defense verdict in the Peterson case, which involved a claim that Mr. Peterson’s heart attack death case was caused by his underlying silicosis. In the two living plaintiffs’ cases, the jury found that the men had knowingly assumed the risk of silicosis, but at the judge’s insistence, the jury proceeded to address defendants’ liability, and to assess damages, in the amount of $22,500, in the two cases.

Pennsylvania’s appellate courts took a dim view of plaintiffs’ efforts to hold remote silica suppliers responsible for silicosis arising out of employment by large, sophisticated steel manufacturers. The Superior Court, Pennsylvania’s intermediate appellate court, reversed and remanded both plaintiffs’ verdicts. In Mr. Harmotta’s case, the court held that his action was collaterally estopped by a previous workman’s compensation judge’s finding that he did not have silicosis. In Mr. Phillip’s case, the court addressed the ultimate issue, whether a remote supplier to a sophisticated intermediary can be liable for silicosis that resulted from the intermediary’s employment and use of the supplied raw material. In what was a typical factual scenario of supply of silica to foundry employers, the Superior Court held that there was no strict or negligence liability for the employees’ silicosis.9 The Pennsylvania Supreme Court declined to hear Harmotta’s appeal on collateral estoppels, but heard an appeal in Phillips’ case. The Supreme Court pulled back from the sophisticated intermediary rationale for reversal, and placed its holding instead on the obvious lack of proximate cause between the alleged failure to warn and the claimed harm, given the jury’s special finding of assumed risk.10

One of plaintiffs’ counsel’s principal arguments, aimed at the union organizer on the jury, was that even if a warning to the individual plaintiffs might not have changed their behavior, a warning to the union would have been effective. The case law involving claims against unions for failing to warn have largely exculpated unions and taken them out of the warning loop. Given this case law, plaintiffs’ argument was puzzling, but the puzzlement turned to outrage when we learned after the first trial that Judge Creany had been a union solicitor, in which role, he had regularly written to U.S. Steel in Johnstown, to notify the employer when one of the local union members had been diagnosed with silicosis.

The next natural step seemed to list Judge Creany as a percipient fact witness to the pervasive knowledge of silicosis among the workforce and especially among the union leadership. Judge Creany did not take kindly to being listed as a fact witness, or being identified in voire dire as a potential witness. Still, the big lie about failure to warn and worker and labor union ignorance had been uncovered. Judge Creany started to delegate trials to other judges in the courthouse and to bring judges in from neighboring counties. The defense went on win the next dozen or so cases, before the plaintiffs’ lawyers gave up on their misbegotten enterprise of trying to use Pennsylvania’s hyperstrict liability rules to make remote silica suppliers pay for the fault of workers and their employers.

You won’t find any mention of the Cambria County saga in Rosner or Markowitz’s glorified accounts of silicosis litigation. The widespread unlawful screenings, the “double dipping” by asbestos claimants seeking a second paycheck for fabricated silicosis, the manufactured diagnoses and product identification do not rent space in Rosner and Markowitz’s fantastical histories.


2 See, e.g., Nathan A. Schachtman, “On Deadly Dust and Histrionic Historians: Preliminary Thoughts on History and Historians as Expert Witnesses,” 2 Mealey’s Silica Litigation Report Silica 1, 2 (November 2003); Nathan Schachtman & John Ulizio, “Courting Clio:  Historians and Their Testimony in Products Liability Action,” in: Brian Dolan & Paul Blanc, eds., At Work in the World: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on the History of Occupational and Environmental Health, Perspectives in Medical Humanities, University of California Medical Humanities Consortium, University of California Press (2012); Schachtman, “On Deadly Dust & Histrionic Historians 041904,”; How Testifying Historians Are Like Lawn-Mowing Dogs” (May 15, 2010)A Walk on the Wild Side (July 16, 2010); Counter Narratives for Hire (Dec. 13, 2010); Historians Noir (Nov. 18, 2014); Succès de scandale – With Thanks to Rosner & Markowitz” (Mar. 26, 2017). And of course, I have experienced some schadenfreude for when one of the Pink Panthers was excluded in a case in which he was disclosed as a testifying expert witness. Quester v. B.F. Goodrich Co., Case No. 03-509539, Court of Common Pleas for Cuyahoga Cty., Ohio, Order Sur Motion to Exclude Dr. Gerald Markowitz (Sweeney, J.).

3 “Trying Times” is the sixth Rosnowitz publication to point to me as a source of criticism of the Rosner-Markowitz radical leftist history of silicosis in the United States. See David Rosner, “Trying Times: The Courts, the Historian, and the Contentious Struggle to Define Disease,” 91 Bull. History Med. 473, 491-92 & n.32 (2017); Previously, Rosner and Markowitz have attempted to call me out in four published articles and one book. See D. Rosner & G. Markowitz, “The Trials and Tribulations of Two Historians:  Adjudicating Responsibility for Pollution and Personal Harm, 53 Medical History 271, 280-81 (2009); D. Rosner & G. Markowitz, “L’histoire au prétoire.  Deux historiens dans les procès des maladies professionnelles et environnementales,” 56 Revue  D’Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine 227, 238-39 (2009); David Rosner, “Trials and Tribulations:  What Happens When Historians Enter the Courtroom,” 72 Law & Contemporary Problems 137, 152 (2009); David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, “The Historians of Industry” Academe (Nov. 2010); and Gerald Markowitz and David Rosner, Deceit and Denial: The Deadly Politics of Industrial Pollution at 313-14 (U. Calif. rev. ed. 2013). 

4 Nathan A. Schachtman, “State Regulators Impose Sanction Unlawful Screenings 05-25-07,” Washington Legal Foundation Legal Opinion Letter, vol. 17, no. 13 (May 2007); “Silica Litigation – Screening, Scheming, and Suing,” Washington Legal Foundation Critical Legal Issues Working Paper (December 2005); Medico-Legal Issues in Occupational Lung Disease Litigation,” 27 Seminars in Roentgenology140 (1992).

5 by Publichall – own work, CC BY-SA 3.0.

6 Assoc’d Press, “Pennsylvania County Judge Guilty of Corruption,” (April 18, 1989).

7 U.P.I., “Facing Prison, Convicted Judge Skips Bail,” (Mar. 8, 1993); “Judge O’kicki Declared Fugitive; May Be In Slovenia,” The Morning Call (April 20, 1993).

8 Harmotta v. Walter C. Best, Inc., Cambria Cty. Ct. C.P. No. 1986-128; Phillips v. Walter C. Best, Inc., Cambria Cty. Ct. C.P. No. 1987-434(b)(10); Peterson v. Walter C. Best, Inc., Cambria Cty. Ct. C.P. No. 1986-678.

9 Phillips v. A.P. Green Co., 428 Pa. Super. 167, 630 A.2d 874 (1993).

10 Phillips v. A-Best Products Co., 542 Pa. 124, 665 A.2d 1167 (1995).

Carl Cranor’s Conflicted Jeremiad Against Daubert

September 23rd, 2018

Carl Cranor’s Conflicted Jeremiad Against Daubert

It seems that authors who have the most intense and refractory conflicts of interest (COI) often fail to see their own conflicts and are the most vociferous critics of others for failing to identify COIs. Consider the spectacle of having anti-tobacco activists and tobacco plaintiffs’ expert witnesses assert that the American Law Institute had an ethical problem because Institute members included some tobacco defense lawyers.1 Somehow these authors overlooked their own positional and financial conflicts, as well as the obvious fact that the Institute’s members included some tobacco plaintiffs’ lawyers as well. Still, the complaint was instructive because it typifies the abuse of ethical asymmetrical standards, as well as ethical blindspots.2

Recently, Raymond Richard Neutra, Carl F. Cranor, and David Gee published a paper on the litigation use of Sir Austin Bradford Hill’s considerations for evaluating whether an association is causal or not.3 See Raymond Richard Neutra, Carl F. Cranor, and David Gee, “The Use and Misuse of Bradford Hill in U.S. Tort Law,” 58 Jurimetrics 127 (2018) [cited here as Cranor]. Their paper provides a startling example of hypocritical and asymmetrical assertions of conflicts of interests.

Neutra is a self-styled public health advocate4 and the Chief of the Division of Environmental and Occupational Disease Control (DEODC) of the California Department of Health Services (CDHS). David Gee, not to be confused with the English artist or the Australian coin forger, is with the European Environment Agency, in Copenhagen, Denmark. He is perhaps best known for his precautionary principle advocacy and his work with trade unions.5

Carl Cranor is with the Center for Progressive Reform, and he teaches philosophy at one of the University of California campuses. Although he is neither a lawyer nor a scientist, he participates with some frequency as a consultant, and as an expert witness, in lawsuits, on behalf of claimants. Perhaps Cranor’s most notorious appearance as an expert witness resulted in the decision of Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 639 F.3d 11 (1st Cir. 2011), cert. denied sub nom., U.S. Steel Corp. v. Milward, 132 S. Ct. 1002 (2012). Probably less generally known is that Cranor was one of the founders of an organization, the Council for Education and Research on Toxics (CERT), which recently was the complaining party in a California case in which CERT sought money damages for Starbucks’ failure to label each cup of coffee sold as known to the State of California as causing cancer.6 Having a so-called not-for-profit corporation can also be pretty handy, especially when it holds itself out as a scientific organization and files amicus briefs in support of reversing Daubert exclusions of the founding members of the corporation, as CERT did on behalf of its founding member in the Milward case.7 The conflict of interest, in such an amicus brief, however, is no longer potential or subtle, and violates the duty of candor to the court.

In this recent article on Hill’s considerations for judging causality, Cranor followed CERT’s lead from Milward. Cranor failed to disclose that he has been a party expert witness for plaintiffs, in cases in which he was advocating many of the same positions put forward in the Jurimetrics article, including the Milward case, in which he was excluded from testifying by the trial court. Cranor’s lack of candor with the readers of the Jurimetrics article is all the more remarkable in that Cranor and his co-authors give conflicts of interest outsize importance in substantive interpretations of scholarship:

the desired reliability for evidence evaluation requires that biases that derive from the financial interests and ideological commitments of the investigators and editors that control the gateways to publication be considered in a way that Hill did not address.”

Cranor at 137 & n.59. Well, we could add that Cranor’s financial interests and ideological commitments might well be considered in evaluating the reliability of the opinions and positions advanced in this most recent work by Cranor and colleagues. If you believe that COIs disqualify a speaker from addressing important issues, then you have all the reason you need to avoid reading Cranor’s recent article.

Dubious Scholarship

The more serious problem with Cranor’s article is not his ethically strained pronouncements about financial interests, but the dubious scholarship he and his colleagues advance to thwart judicial gatekeeping of even more dubious expert witness opinion testimony. To begin with, the authors disparage the training and abilities of federal judges to assess the epistemic warrant and reliability of proffered causation opinions:

With their enhanced duties to review scientific and technical testimony federal judges, typically not well prepared by legal education for these tasks, have struggled to assess the scientific support for—and the reliability and relevance of—expert testimony.”

Cranor at 147. Their assessment is fair but hides the authors’ cynical agenda to remove gatekeeping and leave the assessment to lay juries, who are less well prepared for the task, and whose function ensures no institutional accountability, review, or public evaluation.

Similarly, the authors note the temporal context and limitations of Bradford Hill’s 1965 paper, which date and limit the advice provided over 50 years ago in a discipline that has changed dramatically with the advancement of biological, epidemiologic, and genetic science.8 Even at the time of its original publication in 1965, Bradford Hill’s paper, which was based upon an informal lecture, was not designed or intended to be a definitive treatment of causal inference. Cranor and his colleagues make no effort to review Bradford Hill’s many other publications, both before and after his 1965 dinner speech, for evidence of his views on the factors for causal inference, including the role of statistical testing and inference.

Nonetheless, Bradford Hill’s 1965 paper has become a landmark, even if dated, because of its author’s iconic status in the world of public health, earned for his showing that tobacco smoking causes lung cancer,9 and for advancing the role of double-blind randomized clinical trials.10 Cranor and his colleagues made no serious effort to engage with the large body of Bradford Hill’s writings, including his immensely important textbook, The Principles of Medical Statistics, which started as a series of articles in The Lancet, and went through 12 editions in print.11 Hill’s reputation will no doubt survive Cranor’s bowdlerized version of Sir Austin’s views.

Epidemiology is Dispensable When It Fails to Support Causal Claims

The egregious aspect of Cranor’s article is its bill of particulars against the federal judiciary for allegedly errant gatekeeping, which for these authors translates really into any gatekeeping at all. Cranor at 144-45. Indeed, the authors provide not a single example of what was a “proper” exclusion of an expert witness, who was contending for some doubtful causal claim. Perhaps they have never seen a proper exclusion, but doesn’t that speak volumes about their agenda and their biases?

High on the authors’ list of claimed gatekeeping errors is the requirement that a causal claim be supported with epidemiologic evidence. Although some causal claims may be supported by strong evidence of a biological process with mechanistic evidence, such claims are not common in United States tort litigation.

In support of the claim that epidemiology is dispensable, Cranor suggests that:

Some courts have recognized this, and distinguished scientific committees often do not require epidemiological studies to infer harm to humans. For example, the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IRAC) [sic], the National Toxicology Program, and California’s Proposition 65 Scientific Advisory Panel, among others, do not require epidemiological data to support findings that a substance is a probable or—in some cases—a known human carcinogen, but it is welcomed if available.”

Cranor at 149. California’s Proposition 65!??? Even IARC is hard to take seriously these days with its capture by consultants for the litigation industry, but if we were to accept IARC as an honest broker of causal inferences, what substance “known” to IARC to cause cancer in humans (Category I) was branded as a “known carcinogen” without the support of epidemiologic studies? Inquiring minds might want to know, but they will not learn the answer from Cranor and his co-authors.

When it comes to adverting to legal decisions that supposedly support the authors’ claim that epidemiology is unnecessary, their scholarship is equally wanting. The paper cites the notorious Wells case, which was so roundly condemned in scientific circles, that it probably helped ensure that a decision such as Daubert would ultimately be handed down by the Supreme Court. The authors seemingly cannot read, understand, and interpret even the most straightforward legal decisions. Here is how they cite Wells as support for their views:

Wells v. Ortho Pharm. Corp., 788 F.2d 741, 745 (11th Cir. 1986) (reviewing a district court’s decision deciding not to require the use of epidemiological evidence and instead allowing expert testimony).”

Cranor at 149-50 n.122. The trial judge in Wells never made such a decision; indeed, the case was tried by the bench, before the Supreme Court decided Daubert. There was no gatekeeping involved at all. More important, however, and contrary to Cranor’s explanatory parenthetical, both sides presented epidemiologic evidence in support of their positions.12

Cranor and his co-authors similarly misread and misrepresent the trial court’s decision in the litigation over maternal sertraline use and infant birth defects. Twice they cite the Multi-District Litigation trial court’s decision that excluded plaintiffs’ expert witnesses:

In re Zoloft (Sertraline Hydrochloride) Prods. Liab. Litig., 26 F. Supp. 3d 449, 455 (E.D. Pa. 2014) (expert may not rely on nonstatistically significant studies to which to apply the [Bradford Hill] factors).”

Cranor at 144 n.85; 158 n.179. The MDL judge, Judge Rufe, decidedly never held that an expert witness may not rely upon a statistically non-significant study in a “Bradford Hill” analysis, and the Third Circuit, which affirmed the exclusions of the plaintiffs’ expert witnesses’ testimony, was equally clear in avoiding the making of such a pronouncement.13

Who Needs Statistical Significance

Part of Cranor’s post-science agenda is to intimidate judges into believing that statistical significance is unnecessary and a wrong-headed criterion for judging the validity of relied upon research. In their article, Cranor and friends suggest that Hill agreed with their radical approach, but nothing could be further from the truth. Although these authors parse almost every word of Hill’s 1965 article, they conveniently omit Hill’s views about the necessary predicates for applying his nine considerations for causal inference:

Disregarding then any such problem in semantics we have this situation. Our observations reveal an association between two variables, perfectly clear-cut and beyond what we would care to attribute to the play of chance. What aspects of that association should we especially consider before deciding that the most likely interpretation of it is causation?”

Austin Bradford Hill, “The Environment and Disease: Association or Causation?” 58 Proc. Royal Soc’y Med. 295, 295 (1965). Cranor’s radicalism leaves no room for assessing whether a putative association is “beyond what we would care to attribute to the play of chance,” and his poor scholarship ignores Hill’s insistence that this statistical analysis be carried out.14

Hill’s work certainly acknowledged the limitations of statistical method, which could not compensate for poorly designed research:

It is a serious mistake to rely upon the statistical method to eliminate disturbing factors at the completion of the work.  No statistical method can compensate for a badly planned experiment.”

Austin Bradford Hill, Principles of Medical Statistics at 4 (4th ed. 1948). Hill was equally clear, however, that the limits on statistical methods did not imply that statistical methods are not needed to interpret a properly planned experiment or study. In the summary section of his textbook’s first chapter, Hill removed any doubt about his view of the importance, and the necessity, of statistical methods:

The statistical method is required in the interpretation of figures which are at the mercy of numerous influences, and its object is to determine whether individual influences can be isolated and their effects measured.”

Id. at 10 (emphasis added).

In his efforts to eliminate judicial gatekeeping of expert witness testimony, Cranor has struggled with understanding of statistical inference and testing.15 In an early writing, a 1993 book, Cranor suggests that we “can think of type I and II error rates as “standards of proof,” which begs the question whether they are appropriately used to assess significance or posterior probabilities.16 Indeed, Cranor goes further, in confusing significance and posterior probabilities, when he described the usual level of alpha (5%) as the “95%” rule, and claimed that regulatory agencies require something akin to proof “beyond a reasonable doubt,” when they require two “statistically significant” studies.17

Cranor has persisted in this fallacious analysis in his writings. In a 2006 book, he erroneously equated the 95% coefficient of statistical confidence with 95% certainty of knowledge.18 Later in this same text, Cranor again asserted his nonsense that agency regulations are written when supported by “beyond a reasonable doubt.”19 Given that Cranor has consistently confused significance and posterior probability, he really should not be giving advice to anyone about statistical or scientific inference. Cranor’s persistent misunderstandings of basic statistical concepts do, however, explain his motivation for advocating the elimination of statistical significance testing, even if these misunderstandings make his enterprise intellectually unacceptable.

Cranor and company fall into a similar muddle when they offer advice on post-hoc power calculations, which advice ignores standard statistical learning for interpreting completed studies.20 Another measure of the authors’ failed scholarship is their omission of any discussion of recent efforts by many in the scientific community to lower the threshold for statistical significance, based upon the belief that the customary 5% p-value is an order of magnitude too high.21

 

Relative Risks Greater Than Two

There are other tendentious arguments and treatments in Cranor’s brief against gatekeeping, but I will stop with one last example. The inference of specific causation from study risk ratios has provoked a torrent of verbiage from Sander Greenland (who is cited copiously by Cranor). Cranor, however, does not even scratch the surface of the issue and fails to cite the work of epidemiologists, such as Duncan C. Thomas, who have defended the use of probabilities of (specific) causation. More important, however, Cranor fails to speak out against the abuse of using any relative risk greater than 1.0 to support an inference of specific causation, when the nature of the causal relationship is neither necessary nor sufficient. In this context, Kenneth Rothman has reminded us that someone can be exposed to, or have, a risk, and then develop the related outcome, without there being any specific causation:

An elementary but essential principle to keep in mind is that a person may be exposed to an agent and then develop disease without there being any causal connection between the exposure and the disease. For this reason, we cannot consider the incidence proportion or the incidence rate among exposed people to measure a causal effect.”

Kenneth J. Rothman, Epidemiology: An Introduction at 57 (2d ed. 2012).

The danger in Cranor’s article in Jurimetrics is that some readers will not realize the extreme partisanship in its ipse dixit, and erroneous, pronouncements. Caveat lector


1 Elizabeth Laposata, Richard Barnes & Stanton Glantz, “Tobacco Industry Influence on the American Law Institute’s Restatements of Torts and Implications for Its Conflict of Interest Policies,” 98 Iowa L. Rev. 1 (2012).

2 The American Law Institute responded briefly. See Roberta Cooper Ramo & Lance Liebman, “The ALI’s Response to the Center for Tobacco Control Research & Education,” 98 Iowa L. Rev. Bull. 1 (2013), and the original authors’ self-serving last word. Elizabeth Laposata, Richard Barnes & Stanton Glantz, “The ALI Needs to Implement Modern Conflict of Interest Policies,” 98 Iowa L. Rev. Bull. 17 (2013).

3 Austin Bradford Hill, “The Environment and Disease: Association or Causation?” 58 Proc. Royal Soc’y Med. 295 (1965).

4 Raymond Richard Neutra, “Epidemiology Differs from Public Health Practice,” 7 Epidemiology 559 (1996).

7From Here to CERT-ainty” (June 28, 2018).

8 Kristen Fedak, Autumn Bernal, Zachary Capshaw, and Sherilyn A Gross, “Applying the Bradford Hill Criteria in the 21st Century: How Data Integration Has Changed Causal Inference in Molecular Epidemiology,” Emerging Themes in Epidemiol. 12:14 (2015); John P. A. Ioannides, “Exposure Wide Epidemiology, Revisiting Bradford Hill,” 35 Stats. Med. 1749 (2016).

9 Richard Doll & Austin Bradford Hill, “Smoking and Carcinoma of the Lung,” 2(4682) Brit. Med. J. (1950).

10 Geoffrey Marshall (chairman), “Streptomycin Treatment of Pulmonary Tuberculosis: A Medical Research Council Investigation,” 2 Brit. Med. J. 769, 769–71 (1948).

11 Vern Farewell & Anthony Johnson,The origins of Austin Bradford Hill’s classic textbook of medical statistics,” 105 J. Royal Soc’y Med. 483 (2012). See also Hilary E. Tillett, “Bradford Hill’s Principles of Medical Statistics,” 108 Epidemiol. Infect. 559 (1992).

13 In re Zoloft Prod. Liab. Litig., No. 16-2247 , __ F.3d __, 2017 WL 2385279, 2017 U.S. App. LEXIS 9832 (3d Cir. June 2, 2017) (affirming exclusion of biostatistician Nichols Jewell’s dodgy opinions, which involved multiple methodological flaws and failures to follow any methodology faithfully).

14 See Bradford Hill on Statistical Methods” (Sept. 24, 2013).

16 Carl F. Cranor, Regulating Toxic Substances: A Philosophy of Science and the Law at 33-34 (1993) (arguing incorrectly that one can think of α, β (the chances of type I and type II errors, respectively and 1- β as measures of the “risk of error” or “standards of proof.”); see also id. at 44, 47, 55, 72-76. At least one astute reviewer called Cranor on his statistical solecisms. Michael D. Green, “Science Is to Law as the Burden of Proof is to Significance Testing: Book Review of Cranor, Regulating Toxic Substances: A Philosophy of Science and the Law,” 37 Jurimetrics J. 205 (1997) (taking Cranor to task for confusing significance and posterior (burden of proof) probabilities).

17 Id. (squaring 0.05 to arrive at “the chances of two such rare events occurring” as 0.0025, which impermissibly assumes independence between the two studies).

18 Carl F. Cranor, Toxic Torts: Science, Law, and the Possibility of Justice 100 (2006) (incorrectly asserting that “[t]he practice of setting α =.05 I call the “95% rule,” for researchers want to be 95% certain that when knowledge is gained [a study shows new results] and the null hypothesis is rejected, it is correctly rejected.”).

19 Id. at 266.

21 See, e.g., John P. A. Ioannidis, “The Proposal to Lower P Value Thresholds to .005,” 319 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 1429 (2018); Daniel J. Benjamin, James O. Berger, Valen E. Johnson, et al., “Redefine statistical significance,” 2 Nature Human Behavior 6 (2018).

The Expert Witness Who Put God on His Reference List

August 28th, 2018

And you never ask questions
When God’s on your side”

                                Bob Dylan, “With God on Our Side” 1963.

Cases involving claims of personal injury have inspired some of the most dubious scientific studies in the so-called medical literature, but the flights of fancy in published papers are nothing compared with what is recorded in the annals of expert witness testimony. The weaker the medical claims, the more outlandish is the expert testimony proffered. Claims for personal injury supposedly resulting from mold exposure are no exception to the general rule. The expert witness opinion testimony in mold litigation has resulted in several commentaries1 and professional position papers,2 offered to curb the apparent excesses.

Ritchie Shoemaker, M.D., has been a regular expert witness for the mold lawsuit industry. Professional criticism has not deterred Shoemaker, although discerning courts have put the kibosh on some of Shoemaker’s testimonial adventures.3

Shoemaker cannot be everywhere, and so in conjunction with the mold lawsuit industry, Shoemaker has taken to certifying new expert witnesses. But how will Shoemaker and his protégées overcome the critical judicial reception?

Enter Divine Intervention

Make thee an ark of gopher wood; rooms shalt thou make in the ark, and shalt pitch it within and without with pitch.4

Some say the age of prophets, burning bushes, and the like is over, but perhaps not so. Maybe God speaks to expert witnesses to fill in the voids left by missing evidence. Consider the testimony of Dr. Scott W. McMahon, who recently testified that he was Shoemaker trained, and divinely inspired:

Q. Jumping around a little bit, Doctor, how did your interest in indoor environmental quality in general, and mold in particular, how did that come about?

A. I had — in 2009, I had been asked to give a talk at a medical society at the end of October and the people who were involved in it were harassing me almost on a weekly basis asking me what the title of my talk was going to be. I had spoken to the same society the previous four years. I had no idea what I was going to speak about. I am a man of faith, I’ve been a pastor and a missionary and other things, so I prayed about it and what I heard in my head verbatim was pediatric mold exposure colon the next great epidemic question mark. That’s what I heard in my head. And so because I try to live by faith, I typed that up as an email and said this is the name of my topic. And then I said, okay, God, you have ten weeks to teach me about this, and he did. Within three, four weeks maybe five, he had connected me to Dr. Shoemaker who was the leading person in the world at that time and the discoverer of this chronic inflammatory response.

*****

I am a man of faith, I’ve been a pastor and everything. And I realized that this was a real entity.

*****

Q. And do you attribute your decision or the decision for you to start Whole World Health Care also to be a divine intervention?

A. Well, that certainly started the process but I used my brain, too. Like I said, I went and I investigated Dr. Shoemaker, I wanted to make sure that his methods were real, that he wasn’t doing, you know, some sort of voodoo medicine and I saw that he wasn’t, that his scientific practice was standard. I mean, he changes one variable at a time in tests. He tested every step of the way. And I found that his conclusions were realistic. And then, you know, over the last few years, I’ve 1 gathered my own data and I see that they confirm almost every one of his conclusions.

Q. Doctor, was there anything in your past or anything dealing with your family in terms of exposure to mold or other indoor health issues?

A. No, it was totally off my radar.

Q. *** I’m not going to go into great detail with respect to Dr. Shoemaker, but are you Shoemaker certified?

A. I am.

Deposition transcript of Dr. Scott W. McMahon, at pp.46-49, in Courcelle v. C.W. Nola Properties LLC, Orleans Parish, Louisiana No. 15-3870, Sec. 7, Div. F. (May 18, 2018).

You may be surprised that the examining lawyer did not ask about the voice in which God spoke. The examining lawyer seems to have accepted without further question that the voice was that of an adult male voice. Still did the God entity speak in English, or in tongues? Was it a deep, resonant voice like Morgan Freeman’s in Bruce Almighty (2003)? Or was it a Yiddische voice like George Burns, in Oh God (1977)? Were there bushes burning when God spoke to McMahon? Or did the toast burn darker than expected?

Some might think that McMahon was impudent if not outright blasphemous for telling God that “He” had 10 weeks in which to instruct McMahon in the nuances of how mold causes human illness. Apparently, God was not bothered by this presumptuousness and complied with McMahon, which makes McMahon a special sort of prophet.

Of course, McMahon says he used his “brain,” in addition to following God’s instructions. But really why bother? Were there evidentiary or inferential gaps filled in by the Lord? The deposition does not address this issue.

In federal court, and in many state courts, an expert witness may base opinions on facts or data that are not admissible if, and only if, expert witnesses “in the particular field would reasonably rely on those kinds of facts or data in forming an opinion on the subject.5

Have other expert witnesses claimed divine inspiration for opinion testimony? A quick Pubmed search does not reveal any papers by God, or papers with God as someone’s Co-Author. It is only a matter of time, however, before a judge, some where, takes judicial notice of divinely inspired expert witness testimony.


1 See, e.g., Howard M. Weiner, Ronald E. Gots, and Robert P. Hein, “Medical Causation and Expert Testimony: Allergists at this Intersection of Medicine and Law,” 12 Curr. Allergy Asthma Rep. 590 (2012).

2 See, e.g., Bryan D. Hardin, Bruce J. Kelman, and Andrew Saxon, “ACOEM Evidence-Based Statement: Adverse Human Health Effects Associated with Molds in the Indoor Environment,” 45 J. Occup. & Envt’l Med. 470 (2003).

3 See, e.g., Chesson v. Montgomery Mutual Insur. Co., 434 Md. 346, 75 A.3d 932, 2013 WL 5311126 (2013) (“Dr. Shoemaker’s technique, which reflects a dearth of scientific methodology, as well as his causal theory, therefore, are not shown to be generally accepted in the relevant scientific community.”); Young v. Burton, 567 F. Supp. 2d 121, 130-31 (D.D.C. 2008) (excluding Dr. Shoemaker’s theories as lacking general acceptance and reliability; listing Virginia, Florida, and Alabama as states in which courts have rejected Shoemaker’s theory).

4 Genesis 6:14 (King James translation).

5 Federal Rule of Evidence. Bases of an Expert.