TORTINI

For your delectation and delight, desultory dicta on the law of delicts.

When There Is No Risk in Risk Factor

February 20th, 2012

Some of the terminology of statistics and epidemiology is not only confusing, but it is misleading.  Consider the terms “effect size,” “random effects,” and “fixed effect,” which are all used to describe associations even if known to be non-causal.  Biostatisticians and epidemiologists know that the terms are about putative or potential effects, but the sloppy, short-hand nomenclature can be misleading.

Although “risk” has a fairly precise meaning in scientific parlance, the usage for “risk factor” is fuzzy, loose, and imprecise.  Journalists and plaintiffs’ lawyers use “risk factor,” much as they another frequently abused term in their vocabulary:  “link.”  Both “risk factor” and “link” sound as though they are “causes,” or at least as though they have something to do with causation.  The reality is usually otherwise.

The business of exactly what “risk factor” means is puzzling and disturbing.  The phrase seems to have gained currency because it is squishy and without a definite meaning.  Like the use of “link” by journalists, the use of “risk factor” protects the speaker against contradiction, but appears to imply a scientifically valid conclusion.  Plaintiffs’ counsel and witnesses love to throw this phrase around precisely because of its ambiguity.  In journal articles, authors sometimes refer to any exposure inquired about in a case-control study to be a “risk factor,” regardless of the study result.  So a risk factor can be merely an “exposure of interest,” or a possible cause, or a known cause.

The author’s meaning in using the phrase “risk factor” can often be discerned from context.  When an article reports a case-control study, which finds an association with an exposure to some chemical the article will likely report in the discussion section that the study found that chemical to be a risk factor.  The context here makes clear that the chemical was found to be associated with the outcome, and that chance was excluded as a likely explanation because the odds ratio was statistically significant.  The context is equally clear that the authors did not conclude that the chemical was a cause of the outcome because they did not rule out bias or confounding; nor did they do any appropriate analysis to reach a causal conclusion and because their single study would not have justified reaching a causal association.

Sometimes authors qualify “risk factor” with an adjective to give more specific meaning to their usage.  Some of the adjectives used in connection with the phrase include:

– putative, possible, potential, established, well-established, known, certain, causal, and causative

The use of the adjective highlights the absence of a precise meaning for “risk factor,” standing alone.  Adjectives such as “established,” or “known” imply earlier similar findings, which are corroborated by the study at hand.  Unless “causal” is used to modify “risk factor,” however, there is no reason to interpret the unqualified phrase to imply a cause.

Here is how the phrase “risk factor” is described in some noteworthy texts and treatises.

Legal Treatises

Professor David Faigman, and colleagues, with some understatement, note that the term “risk factor is loosely used”:

Risk Factor An aspect of personal behavior or life-style, an environmental exposure, or an inborn or inherited characteristic, which on the basis of epidemiologic evidence is known to be associated with health-related condition(s) considered important to prevent. The term risk factor is rather loosely used, with any of the following meanings:

1. An attribute or exposure that is associated with an increased probability of a specified outcome, such as the occurrence of a disease. Not necessarily a causal factor.

2. An attribute or exposure that increases the probability of occurrence of disease or other specified outcome.

3. A determinant that can be modified by intervention, thereby reducing the probability of occurrence of disease or other specified outcomes.”

David L. Faigman, Michael J. Saks, Joseph Sanders, and Edward Cheng, Modern Scientific Evidence:  The Law and Science of Expert Testimony 301, vol. 1 (2010)(emphasis added).

The Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (2011) (RMSE3d) does not offer much in the way of meaningful guidance here.  The chapter on statistics in the third edition provides a somewhat circular, and unhelpful definition.  Here is the entry in that chapter’s glossary:

risk factor. See independent variable.

RMSE3d at 295.  If the glossary defined “independent variable” as a simply a quantifiable variable that was being examined for some potential relationship with the outcome, or dependent, variable, the RMSE would have avoided error.  Instead the chapter’s glossary, as well as its text, defines independent variables as “causes,” which begs the question why do a study to determine whether the “independent variable” is even a candidate for a causal factor?  Here is how the statistics chapter’s glossary defines independent variable:

“Independent variables (also called explanatory variables, predictors, or risk factors) represent the causes and potential confounders in a statistical study of causation; the dependent variable represents the effect. ***. “

RMSE3d at 288.  This is surely circular.  Studies of causation are using independent variables that represent causes?  There would be no reason to do the study if we already knew that the independent variables were causes.

The text of the RMSE chapter on statistics propagates the same confusion:

“When investigating a cause-and-effect relationship, the variable that represents the effect is called the dependent variable, because it depends on the causes.  The variables that represent the causes are called independent variables. With a study of smoking and lung cancer, the independent variable would be smoking (e.g., number of cigarettes per day), and the dependent variable would mark the presence or absence of lung cancer. Dependent variables also are called outcome variables or response variables. Synonyms for independent variables are risk factors, predictors, and explanatory variables.”

FMSE3d at 219.  In the text, the identification of causes with risk factors is explicit.  Independent variables are the causes, and a synonym for an independent variable is “risk factor.”  The chapter could have avoided this error simply by the judicious use of “putative,” or “candidate” in front of “causes.”

The chapter on epidemiology exercises more care by using “potential” to modify and qualify the risk factors that are considered in a study:

“In contrast to clinical studies in which potential risk factors can be controlled, epidemiologic investigations generally focus on individuals living in the community, for whom characteristics other than the one of interest, such as diet, exercise, exposure to other environmental agents, and genetic background, may distort a study’s results.”

FMSE3d at 556 (emphasis added).

 

Scientific Texts

Turning our attention to texts on epidemiology written for professionals rather than judges, we find that sometimes the term “risk factor” with a careful awareness of its ambiguity.

Herbert I. Weisberg is a statistician whose firm, Correlation Research Inc., specializes in the applied statistics in legal issues.  Weisberg recently published an interesting book on bias and causation, which is recommended reading for lawyers who litigate claimed health effects.  Weisberg’s book defines “risk factor” as merely an exposure of interest in a study that is looking for associations with a harmful outcome.  He insightfully notes that authors use the phrase “risk factor” and similar phrases to avoid causal language:

“We will often refer to this factor of interest as a risk factor, although the outcome event is not necessarily something undesirable.”

Herbert I. Weisberg, Bias and Causation:  Models and Judgment for Valid Comparisons 27 (2010).

“Causation is discussed elliptically if at all; statisticians typically employ circumlocutions such as ‘independent risk factor’ or ‘explanatory variable’ to avoid causal language.”

Id. at 35.

Risk factor : The risk factor is the exposure of interest in an epidemiological study and often has the connotation that the outcome event is harmful or in some way undesirable.”

Id. at 317.   This last definition is helpful in illustrating a balanced, fair definition that does not conflate risk factor with causation.

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Lemuel A. Moyé is an epidemiologist who testified in pharmaceutical litigation, mostly for plaintiffs.  His text, Statistical Reasoning in Medicine:  The Intuitive P-Value Primer, is in places a helpful source of guidance on key concepts.  Moyé puts no stock in something’s being a risk factor unless studies show a causal relationship, established through a proper analysis.  Accordingly, he uses “risk factor” to signify simply an exposure of interest:

4.2.1 Association versus Causation

An associative relationship between a risk factor and a disease is one in which the two appear in the same patient through mere coincidence. The occurrence of the risk factor does not engender the appearance of the disease.

Causal relationships on the other hand are much stronger. A relationship is causal if the presence of the risk factor in an individual generates the disease. The causative risk factor excites the production of the disease. This causal relationship is tight, containing an embedded directionality in the relationship, i.e., (1) the disease is absence in the patient, (2) the risk factor is introduced, and (3) the risk factor’s presence produces the disease.

The declaration that a relationship is causal has a deeper meaning then the mere statement that a risk factor and disease are associated. This deeper meaning and its implications for healthcare require that the demonstration of a causal relationship rise to a higher standard than just the casual observation of the risk factor and disease’s joint occurrence.

Often limited by logistics and the constraints imposed by ethical research, the epidemiologist commonly cannot carry out experiments that identify the true nature of the risk factor–disease relationship. They have therefore become experts in observational studies. Through skillful use of observational research methods and logical thought, epidemiologists assess the strength of the links between risk factors and disease.”

Lemuel A. Moyé, Statistical Reasoning in Medicine:  The Intuitive P-Value Primer 92 (2d ed. 2006)

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In A Dictionary of Epidemiology, which is put out by the International Epidemiology Association, a range of meanings is acknowledged, although the range is weighted toward causality:

“RISK FACTOR (Syn: risk indicator)

1. An aspect of personal behavior or lifestyle, an environmental exposure, or an inborn or inherited characteristic that, on the basis of scientific evidence, is known to be associated with meaningful health-related condition(s). In the twentieth century multiple cause era, a synonymous with determinant acting at the individual level.

2. An attribute or exposure that is associated with an increased probability of a specified outcome, such as the occurrence of a disease. Not necessarily a causal factor: it may be a risk marker.

3. A determinant that can be modified by intervention, thereby reducing the probability of occurrence of disease or other outcomes. It may be referred to as a modifiable risk factor, and logically must be a cause of the disease.

The term risk factor became popular after its frequent use by T. R. Dawber and others in papers from the Framingham study.346 The pursuit of risk factors has motivated the search for causes of chronic disease over the past half-century. Ambiguities in risk and in risk-related concepts, uncertainties inherent to the concept, and different legitimate meanings across cultures (even if within the same society) must be kept in mind in order to prevent medicalization of life and iatrogenesis.124–128,136,142,240

Miquel Porta, Sander Greenland, John M. Last, eds., A Dictionary of Epidemiology 218-19 (5th ed. 2008).  We might add that the uncertainties inherent in risk concepts should be kept in mind to prevent overcompensation for outcomes not shown to be caused by alleged tortogens.

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One introductory text uses “risk factor” as a term to describe the independent variable, while acknowledging that the variable does not become a risk factor until after the study shows an association between factor and the outcome of interest:

“A case-control study is one in which the investigator seeks to establish an association between the presence of a characteristic (a risk factor).”

Sylvia Wassertheil-Smoller, Biostatistics and Epidemiology: A Primer for Health and Biomedical Professionals 104 (3d ed. 2004).  See also id. at 198 (“Here, also, epidemiology plays a central role in identifying risk factors, such as smoking for lung cancer”).  Although it should be clear that much more must happen in order to show a risk factor is causally associated with an outcome, such as lung cancer, it would be helpful to spell this out.  Some texts simply characterize risk factor as associations, not necessarily causal in nature.  Another basic text provides:

“Analytical studies examine an association, i.e. the relationship between a risk factor and a disease in detail and conduct a statistical test of the corresponding hypothesis … .”

Wolfgang Ahrens & Iris Pigeot, eds., Handbook of Epidemiology 18 (2005).  See also id. at 111 (Table describing the reasoning in a case-control study:    “Increased prevalence of risk factor among diseased may indicate a causal relationship.”)(emphasis added).

These texts, both legal and scientific, indicate a wide range of usage and ambiguity for “risk factor.”  There is a tremendous potential for the unscrupulous expert witness, or the uneducated lawyer, to take advantage of this linguistic latitude.  Courts and counsel must be sensitive to the ambiguity and imprecision in usages of “risk factor,” and the mischief that may result.  The Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence needs to sharpen and update its coverage of this and other statistical and epidemiologic issues.

When Is Risk Really Risk?

February 14th, 2012

The term “risk” has a fairly precise meaning in scientific parlance.  The following is a typical definition:

RISK The probability that an event will occur, e.g., that an individual will become ill or die within a stated period of time or by a certain age. Also, a nontechnical term encompassing a variety of measures of the probability of a (generally) unfavorable outcome. See also probability.

Miquel Porta, ed., A Dictionary of Epidemiology 212-18 (5th ed. 2008)(sponsored by the Internat’l Epidemiological Ass’n).

In other words, a risk is an ex ante cause.  The probability is not a qualification about whether there is a causal relationship, but rather whether any person at risk will develop the outcome of interest.  Such is the nature of stochastic risks.

Regulatory agencies often use the term “risk” metaphorically, as a fiction to justify precautionary regulations.  Although there may be nothing wrong with such precautionary initiatives, regulators often imply a real threat of harm from what can only be a hypothetical harm.  Why?  If for no other reason, regulators operate with a “wish bias” in favor of the reality of the risk they wish to avert if risk it should be.  We can certainly imagine the cognitive slippage that results from the need to motivate the regulated actors to comply with regulations, and at times, to prosecute the noncompliant.

Plaintiffs’ counsel in personal injury and class action litigation have none of the regulators’ socially useful motives for engaging in distortions of the meaning of the word “risk.”  In the context of civil litigation, plaintiffs’ counsel use the term “risk,” borrowed from the Humpty-Dumpty playbook:

“When I use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean—neither more nor less.”
“The question is,” said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many different things.”
“The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty, “which is to be master — that’s all.”

Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking-Glass 72 (Raleigh 1872).

Undeniably, the word mangling and distortion have had some success with weak-minded judges, but Humpty-Dumpty linguistics had a fall recently in the Third Circuit.  Others have written about it, but I am only just getting around to read the analytically precise and insightful decision in Gates v. Rohm and Haas Co., 655 F.3d 255 (3d Cir. 2011).  See Sean Wajert, “Court of Appeals Rejects Medical Monitoring Class Action” (Aug. 31, 2011); Carl A. Solano, “Appellate Court Consensus on Medical Monitoring Class Actions Solidifies” (Sept. 12, 2011).

Gates was an attempted class action, in which the district court denied plaintiffs’ motion for certification of a medical monitoring and property damage class.  265 F.R.D. 208 (E.D.Pa. 2010)(Pratter, J.).  Plaintiffs contended that they were exposed to varying amounts of vinyl chloride exposure in air, and perhaps in water at levels too low to detect. Gates, 655 F.3d at 258-59.   The class’s request for medical monitoring foundered because plaintiffs were unable to prove that they were all exposed to a level of vinyl chloride that created a significant risk of serious latent disease for all class members. Id. at 267-68.

With no scientific evidence in hand, the plaintiffs tried to maintain that they were “at risk” on the basis of EPA regulations, which set a very low, precautionary threshold, but the district and circuit courts rebuffed this use of regulatory “risk” language:

The court identified two problems with the proposed evidence. First, it rejected the plaintiffs’ proposed threshold—exposure above 0.07µ/m3, developed as a regulatory threshold by the EPA for mixed populations of adults and children—as a proper standard for determining liability under tort law. Second, the court correctly noted, even if the 0.07 µ/m3 standard were a correct measurement of the aggregate threshold, it would not be the threshold for each class member who may be more or less susceptible to diseases from exposure to vinyl chloride.18 Although the positions of regulatory policymakers are relevant, their risk assessments are not necessarily conclusive in determining what risk exposure presents to specified individuals. See Federal Judicial Center, Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence 413 (2d ed.2000) (“While risk assessment information about a chemical can be somewhat useful in a toxic tort case, at least in terms of setting reasonable boundaries as to the likelihood of causation, the impetus for the development of risk assessment has been the regulatory process, which has different goals.”); id. at 423 (“Particularly problematic are generalizations made in personal injury litigation from regulatory positions…. [I]f regulatory standards are discussed in toxic tort cases to provide a reference point for assessing exposure levels, it must be recognized that  there is a great deal of variability in the extent of evidence required to support different regulations.”).

Thus, plaintiffs could not carry their burden of proof for a class of specific persons simply by citing regulatory standards for the population as a whole. Cf. Wright v. Willamette Indus., Inc., 91 F.3d 1105, 1107 (8th Cir.1996) (“Whatever may be the considerations that ought to guide a legislature in its determination of what the general good requires, courts and juries, in deciding cases, traditionally make more particularized inquiries into matters of cause and effect.”).

Plaintiffs have failed to propose a method of proving the proper point where exposure to vinyl chloride presents a significant risk of developing a serious latent disease for each class member.

Plaintiffs propose a single concentration without accounting for the age of the class member being exposed, the length of exposure, other individual factors such as medical history, or showing the exposure was so toxic that such individual factors are irrelevant. The court did not abuse its discretion in concluding individual issues on this point make trial as a class unfeasible, defeating cohesion.

Id. at 268.  For class actions, the inability to invoke a low threshold of “permissible” exposure may be the death knell of medical monitoring and personal injury class actions.  The implications of the Gates court’s treatment of “regulatory risk” is, however, more far reaching.  Sometimes risk is not really risk at all.  The ambiguity of the risk in risk assessment has confused judges from the lowest magistrate up to Supreme Court justices.  It is time to disambiguate.  See General Electric v. Joiner, 522 U.S. 136, 153-54 (1997) (Stevens, J., dissenting in part) (erroneously assuming that plaintiffs’ expert witness was justified in relying upon a weight-of-evidence methodology because such methodology is often used in risk assessment).

Two Articles of Interest in JAMA – Nocebo Effects; Medical Screening

February 12th, 2012

Two articles in this week’s Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) are of interest to lawyers who litigate, or counsel about, health effects.

One article deals with the nocebo effect, which is the dark side of the placebo effect.  Placebos can induce beneficial outcomes because of the expectation of useful therapy; nocebos can induce harmful outcomes because of the expectation of injury. The viewpoint article in JAMA points out that nocebo effects, like placebo effects, result from the “psychosocial context or therapeutic environment” affecting a patient’s perception of his state of health or illness.  Luana Colloca, MD, PhD, and Damien Finniss, MSc Med., “Nocebo Effects, Patient-Clinician Communication, and Therapeutic Outcomes,” 307 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 567, 567 (2012).

The authors discuss how clinicians can inadvertently prejudice health outcomes by how they frame outcome information to patients.  Importantly, Colloca and Finniss also note that the negative expectations created by the nocebo communication can take place in the process of obtaining informed consent.

The litigation significance is substantial because the creation of negative expectations is not the exclusive domain of clinicians.  Plaintiffs’ counsel, support and advocacy groups, and expert witnesses, even when well meaning, can similarly create negative expectations for health outcomes.  These actors often enjoy undeserved authority among their audience of litigants or claimants.  The extremely high rate of psychogenic illness found in many litigations is the result.  The harmful communications, however, are not limited to plaintiffs’ lawyers and their auxiliaries.  As Colloca and Finniss point out, nocebo effects can be induced by well-meaning warnings and disclosure of information from healthcare providers to patients.  Id. at 567.  The potential to induce negative harms in this way has the obvious consequence for the tort system:  more warnings are not always beneficial.  Indeed, warnings themselves can bring about harm.  This realization should temper courts’ enthusiasms for the view that more warnings are always better.  Warnings about adverse health outcomes should be based upon good scientific bases.

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The other article from this week’s issue of JAMA addresses the harms of screening.  Steven H. Woolf, MD, MPH, and Russell Harris, MD, MPH, “The Harms of Screening: New Attention to an Old Concern,” 307 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 565 (2012).    As I pointed out on these pages, screening for medical illnesses carries significant health risks to patients and ethical risks for the healthcare providers.  SeeEthics and Daubert: The Scylla and Charybdis of Medical Monitoring” (Feb. 1, 2012).  Bayes’ Theorem teaches us that even very high likelihood ratios for screening tests will yield true positive cases swamped by false positive cases when the baseline prevalence is low.  See Jonathan Deeks and Douglas Altman, “Diagnostic tests 4: likelihood ratios,” 329 Brit. Med. J. 168 (2004) (Providing a useful nomogram to illustrate how even highly accurate tests, with high likelihood ratios, will produce more false than true positive cases when the baseline prevalence of disease is low).

The viewpoint piece by Woolf and Harris emphasizes the potential iatrogenic harms from screening:

  • physical injury from the test itself (as in colonic perforations from colonoscopy);
  • cascade of further testing, with further risk of harm, both physical and emotional;
  • anxiety and emotional distress over abnormal results;
  • overdiagnosis; and
  • the overtreatment of conditions that are not substantial threats to patients’ health

These issues should have an appropriately chilling effect on judicial enthusiasm for medical monitoring and surveillance claims.  Great care is required to fashion a screening plan for patients or claimants.  Of course, there are legal risks as well, as when plaintiffs’ counsel fail to obtain the necessary prescriptions or permits to conduct radiological screenings.  See Schachtman “State Regulators Impose Sanction for Unlawful Silicosis Screenings,” 17(13) Wash. Leg. Fdtn. Legal Op. Ltr. (May 25, 2007).  Caveat litigator.

Interstitial Doubts About the Matrixx

February 6th, 2012

Statistics professors are excited that the United States Supreme Court issued an opinion that ostensibly addressed statistical significance.  One such example of the excitement is an article, in press, by Joseph B. Kadane, Professor in the Department of Statistics, in Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.  See Joseph B. Kadane, “Matrixx v. Siracusano: what do courts mean by ‘statistical significance’?” 11[x] Law, Probability and Risk 1 (2011).

Professor Kadane makes the sensible point that the allegations of adverse events did not admit of an analysis that would imply statistical significance or its absence.  Id. at 5.  See Schachtman, “The Matrixx – A Comedy of Errors” (April 6, 2011)”;  David Kaye, ” Trapped in the Matrixx: The U.S. Supreme Court and the Need for Statistical Significance,” BNA Product Safety and Liability Reporter 1007 (Sept. 12, 2011).  Unfortunately, the excitement has obscured Professor Kadane’s interpretation of the Court’s holding, and has led him astray in assessing the importance of the case.

In the opening paragraph of his paper, Professor Kadane quotes from the Supreme Court’s opinion that “the premise that statistical significance is the only reliable indication of causation … is flawed,” Matrixx Initiatives, Inc. v. Siracusano, ___ U.S. ___, 131 S.Ct. 1309 (2011).  The quote is accurate, but Professor Kadane proceeds to claim that this quote represents the holding of the Court. Kadane, supra at 1. The Court held no such thing.

Matrixx was a security fraud class action suit, brought by investors who claimed that the company misled them when they spoke to the market about the strong growth prospects of the company’s product, Zicam cold remedy, when they had information that raised concerns that might affect the product’s economic viability and its FDA license.  The only causation required for the plaintiffs to show was an economic loss caused by management’s intentional withholding of “material” information that should have been disclosed under all the facts and circumstances.  Plaintiffs do not have to prove that the medication causes the harm alleged in personal injury actions.  Indeed, it might turn out to be indisputable that the medication does not cause the alleged harm, but earlier, suggestive studies would provoke regulatory intervention and even a regulatory decision to withdraw the product from the market.  Investors obviously could be hurt under this scenario as much as, if not more than, if the medication caused the harms alleged by personal-injury plaintiffs. 

Kadane’s assessment goes awry in suggesting that the Supreme Court issued a holding about facts that were neither proven nor necessary for it to reach its decision.  Court can, and do, comment, note, and opine about many unnecessary facts or allegations in reaching a holding, but these statements are obiter dicta, if they are not necessary to the disposition of the case. Because medical causation was not required for the Supreme Court to reach its decision, its presence or absence was not, and could not, be part of the Court’s holding. 

Kadane makes a similar erroneous statement that the lower appellate courts, which earlier had addressed “statistical significance,” properly or improperly understood, found that “statistical significance in the strict sense [was] neither necessary … nor sufficient … to require action to remove a drug from the market.”  Id. at 6.  The earlier appellate decisions addressed securities fraud, however, not regulatory action of withdrawal of a product.  Kadane’s statement mistakes what was at issue, and what was decided, in all the cases discussed.

Kadane seems at least implicitly to recognize that medical causation is not at issue when he states that “the FDA does not require proof of causation but rather reasonable evidence of an association before a warning is issued.”  Id. at 7 (internal citation omitted).  All that had to have happened for the investors to have been harmed by the Company’s misleading statements was for Matrixx Initiatives to boast about future sales, and to claim that there were no health issues that would lead to regulatory intervention, when they had information raising doubts about their claim of no health issues. See FDA Regulations, 21 U.S.C. § 355(d), (e)(requiring drug sponsor to show adequate testing, labeling, safety, and efficacy); see also 21 C.F.R. § 201.57(e) (requiring warnings in labeling “as there is reasonable evidence of an association of a serious hazard with a drug; a causal relationship need not have been proved.”); 21 C.F.R. § 803.3 (adverse event reports address events possibly related to the drug or the device); 21 C.F.R. § 803.16 (adverse event report is not an admission of causation).

Kadane’s analysis of the case goes further astray when he suggests that the facts were strong enough for the case to have survived summary judgment.  Id. at 9.  The Matrixx case was a decision on the adequacy of the pleadings, not of the adequacy of the facts proven.  Elsewhere, Kadane acknowledges the difference between a challenge to the pleadings and the legal sufficiency of the facts, id. at 7 & n.8, but Kadane asserts, without explanation, that the difference is “technical” and does not matter.”  Not true.  The motion to dismiss is made upon receipt of the plaintiffs’ complaint, but the motion for summary judgment is typically made at the close of discovery, on the eve of trial.  The allegations can be conclusory, and they need have only plausible support in other alleged facts to survive a motion to dismiss.  The case, however, must have evidence of all material facts, as well as expert witness opinion that survives judicial scrutiny for scientific validity under Rule 702, to survive a motion for summary judgment, which comes much later in the natural course of any litigated case.

Kadane appears to try to support the conflation of dismissals on the pleadings and summary judgments by offering a definition of summary judgment that is not quite accurate, and potentially misleading:  “The idea behind summary judgment is that, even if every fact alleged by the opposing party were found to be true, the case would still fail for legal reasons.” Id. at 2.  The problem is that at the summary judgment stage, as opposed to the pleading stage, the party with the burden of proof cannot rest upon his allegations, but must come forward with facts, not allegations, to support every essential element of his case.  A plaintiff in a personal injury action (not a securities fraud case), for example, may easily survive a motion to dismiss by alleging medical causal connection, but at the summary judgment stage, that plaintiff must serve a report of an appropriately qualified expert witness, who in turn has presented a supporting opinion, reliably ground in science, to survive both evidentiary challenges and a dispositive motion.

Kadane concludes that the Matrixx decision’s “fact-based consideration” is consistent with a “Bayesian decision-theoretic approach that models how to make rational decisions under uncertainty.”  Id. at 9.  I am 99.99999% certain that Justice Sotomayor would not have a clue about what Professor Kadane was saying.  Although statistical significance may have played no role in the Court’s holding, and in Kadane’s Bayesian decision-theoretic approach, I am 100% certain that the irrelevance of statistical significance to the Court’s and Prof. Kadane’s approaches is purely coincidental.

Federal Rule of Evidence 702 Requires Perscrutations — Samaan v. St. Joseph Hospital (2012)

February 4th, 2012

After the dubious decision in Milward, the First Circuit would seem an unlikely forum for perscrutations of expert witness opinion testimony.  Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 639 F.3d 11 (1st Cir. 2011), cert. denied, ___ U.S.___ (2012).  SeeMilwardUnhinging the Courthouse Door to Dubious Scientific Evidence” (Sept. 2, 2011).  Late last month, however, a First Circuit panel of the United States Court of Appeals held that Rule 702 required perscrutation of expert witness opinion, and then proceeded to perscrutate perspicaciously, in Samaan v. St. Joseph Hospital, 2012 WL 34262 (1st Cir. 2012).

The plaintiff, Mr. Samaan suffered an ischemic stroke, for which he was treated by the defendant hospital and physician.  Plaintiff claimed that the defendants’ treatment deviated from the standard of care by failing to administer intravenous tissue plasminogen activator (t-PA).  Id. at *1.  The plaintiff’s only causation expert witness, Dr. Ravi Tikoo, opined that the defendants’ failure to administer t-PA caused plaintiffs’ neurological injury.  Id. at *2.   Dr. Tikoo’s opinions, as well as those of the defense expert witness, were based in large part upon data from a study done by one of the National Institutes of Health:  The National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke rt-PA Stroke Study Group, “Tissue Plasminogen Activator for Acute Ischemic Stroke,” 333 New Engl. J. Med. 1581 (1995).

Both the District Court and the Court of Appeals noted that the problem with Dr. Tikoo’s opinions lay not in the unreliability of the data, or in the generally accepted view that t-PA can, under certain circumstances, mitigate the sequelae of ischemic stroke; rather the problem lay in the analytical gap between those data and Dr. Tikoo’s conclusion that the failure to administer t-PA caused Mr. Samaan’s stroke-related injuries.

The district court held that Dr. Tikoo’s opinion failed to satisfy the requirements of Rule 702. Id. at *8 – *9.  Dr. Tikoo examined odds ratios from the NINDS study, and others, and concluded that a patient’s chances of improved outcome after stroke increased 50% with t-PA, and thus Mr. Samaan’s healthcare providers’ failure to provide t-PA had caused his poor post-stroke outcome.  Id. at *9.  The appellate court similarly rejected the inference from an increased odds ratio to specific causation:

“Dr. Tikoo’s first analysis depended upon odds ratios drawn from the literature. These odds ratios are, as the term implies, ratios of the odds of an adverse outcome, which reflect the relative likelihood of a particular result.FN5 * * * Dr. Tikoo opined that the plaintiff more likely than not would have recovered had he received the drug.”

Id. at *10.

The Court correctly identified the expert witness’s mistake in inferring specific causation from an odds ratio of about 1.5, without any additional information.  The Court characterized the testimonial flaw as one of “lack of fit,” but it was equally an unreliable inference from epidemiologic data to a conclusion about specific causation.

While the Court should be applauded for rejecting the incorrect inference about specific causation, we might wish that it had been more careful about important details.  The Court misinterpreted the meaning of an odds ratio to be a relative risk.  The NINDS study reported risk ratio results both as an odds ratio and as a relative risk.  The Court’s sloppiness should be avoided; the two statistics are different, especially when the outcome of interest is not particularly rare.

Still, the odds ratio is interesting and important as an approximation for the relative risk, and neither measure of risk can substitute for causation, especially when the magnitude of the risk is small, and less than two-fold.  The First Circuit recognized and focused in on this gap between risk and causal attribution in an individual’s case:

“[Dr. Tikoo’s] reasoning is structurally unsound and leaves a wide analytical gap between the results produced through the use of odds ratios and the conclusions drawn by the witness. When a person’s chances of a better outcome are 50% greater with treatment (relative to the chances of those who were not treated), that is not the same as a person having a greater than 50% chance of experiencing the better outcome with treatment. The latter meets the required standard for causation; the former does not.  To illustrate, suppose that studies have shown that 10 out of a group of 100 people who do not eat bananas will die of cancer, as compared to 15 out of a group of 100 who do eat bananas. The banana-eating group would have an odds ratio of 1.5 or a 50% greater chance of getting cancer than those who eschew bananas. But this is a far cry from showing that a person who eats bananas is more likely than not to get cancer.

Even if we were to look only at the fifteen persons in the banana-eating group who did get cancer, it would not be likely that any particular person in that cohort got it from the consumption of bananas. Correlation is not causation, and a substantial number of persons with cancer within the banana-eating group would in all probability have contracted the disease whether or not they ate bananas.FN6

We think that this example exposes the analytical gap between Dr. Tikoo’s methods and his conclusions.  Although he could present figures ranging higher than 50%, those figures were not responsive to the question of causation. Let us take the “stroke scale” figure from the NINDS study as an example. This scale measures the neurological deficits in different parts of the nervous system. Twenty percent of patients who experienced a stroke and were not treated with t-PA had a favorable outcome according to this scale, whereas that figure escalated to 31% when t-PA was administered.

Although this means that the patients treated with t-PA had over a 50% better chance of recovery than they otherwise would have had, 69% of those patients experienced the adverse outcome (stroke-related injury) anyway.FN7  The short of it is that while the odds ratio analysis shows that a t-PA patient may have a better chance of recovering than he otherwise would have had without t-PA, such an analysis does not show that a person has a better than even chance of avoiding injury if the drug is administered. The odds ratio, therefore, does not show that the failure to give t-PA was more likely than not a substantial factor in causing the plaintiff’s injuries. The unavoidable conclusion from the studies deemed authoritative by Dr. Tikoo is that only a small number of patients overall (and only a small fraction of those who would otherwise have experienced stroke-related injuries) experience improvement when t-PA is administered.”

*11 and n.6 (citing Milward).

The court in Samaan thus suggested, but did not state explicitly, that the study would have to have shown better than a 100% increase in the rate of recovery for attributability to have exceeded 50%.  The Court’s timidity is regrettable. Yes, Dr. Tikoo’s confusing the percentage increased risk with the percentage of attributability was quite knuckleheaded.  I doubt that many would want to subject themselves to Dr. Tikoo’s quality of care, at least not his statistical care.  The First Circuit, however, stopped short of stating what magnitude increase in risk would permit an inference of specifc causation for Mr. Samaan’s post-stroke sequelae.

The Circuit noted that expert witnesses may present epidemiologic statistics in a variety of forms:

“to indicate causation. Either absolute or relative calculations may suffice in particular circumstances to achieve the causation standard. See, e.g., Smith v. Bubak, 643 F.3d 1137, 1141–42 (8th Cir.2011) (rejecting relative benefit testimony and suggesting in dictum that absolute benefit “is the measure of a drug’s overall effectiveness”); Young v. Mem’l Hermann Hosp. Sys., 573 F.3d 233, 236 (5th Cir.2009) (holding that Texas law requires a doubling of the relative risk of an adverse outcome to prove causation), cert. denied, ___ U.S. ___, 130 S.Ct. 1512, 176 L.Ed.2d 111 (2010).”

 Id. at *11.

Although the citation to Texas law with its requirement of a doubling of a relative risk is welcome and encouraging, the Court seems to have gone out of its way to muddle its holding.  First, the Young case involved t-PA and a claimed deviation from the standard of care in a stroke case, and was exactly on point.  The Fifth Circuit’s reliance upon Texas substantive law left unclear to what extent the same holding would have been required by Federal Rule of Evidence 702.

Second, the First Circuit, with its banana hypothetical, appeared to confuse an odds ratio with a relative risk.  The odds ratio is different from a relative risk, and typically an odds ratio will be higher than the corresponding relative risk, unless the outcome is rare.  See Michael O. Finkelstein & Bruce Levin, Statistics for Lawyers at 37 (2d ed. 2001). In studies of medication efficacy, however, the benefit will not be particularly rare, and the rare disease assumption cannot be made.

Third, risk is not causation, regardless of magnitude.  If the magnitude of risk is used to infer specific causation, then what is the basis for the inference, and how large must the risk be?  In what way can epidemiologic statistics be used “to indicate” specific causation?  The opinion tells us that Dr. Tivoo’s reliance upon an odds ratio of 1.5 was unhelpful, but why?  The Court, which spoke so clearly and well in identifying the fallacious reasoning of Dr. Tivoo, faltered in identifying what use of risk statistics would permit an inference of specific causation in this case, where general causation was never in doubt.

The Fifth Circuit’s decision in Young, supra, invoked a greater than doubling of risk required by Texas law.  This requirement is nothing more than a logical, common-sense recognition that risk is not causation, and that small risks alone cannot support an inference of specific causation.  Requiring a relative risk greater than two makes practical sense despite the apoplectic objections of Professor Sander Greenland.  SeeRelative Risks and Individual Causal Attribution Using Risk Size” (Mar. 18, 2011).

Importantly, the First Circuit panel in Samaan did not engage in the hand-waving arguments that were advanced in Milward, and stuck to clear, transparent rational inferences.  In footnote 6, the Samaan Court cited its earlier decision in Milward, but only with double negatives, and for the relevancy of odds ratios to the question of general causation:

“This is not to say that the odds ratio may not help to prove causation in some instances.  See, e.g., Milward v. Acuity Specialty Prods. Group, Inc., 639 F.3d 11, 13–14, 23–25 (1st Cir.2011) (reversing exclusion of expert prepared to testify as to general rather than specific causation using in part the odds ratio).”

Id. at n.6.

The Samaan Court went on to suggest that inferring specific causation from the magnitude of risk was “theoretically possible”:

Indeed, it is theoretically possible that a particular odds ratio calculation might show a better-than-even chance of a particular outcome. Here, however, the odds ratios relied on by Dr. Tikoo have no such probative force.

Id. (emphasis added).  But why and how? The implication of the Court’s dictum is that when the risk ratio is small, less than or equal to two, the ratio cannot be taken to have supported the showing of “better than even chance.” In Milward, one of the key studies relied upon by plaintiff’s expert witness reported an increased risk of only 40%.  Although Milward presented primarily a challenge on general causation, the Samaan decision suggests that the low-dose benzene exposure plaintiffs are doomed, not by benzene, but by the perscrutation required by Rule 702.

Epidemiology, Risk, and Causation – Report of Workshops

November 15th, 2011

This month’s issue of Preventive Medicine includes a series of papers arising from last year’s workshops on “Epidemiology, Risk, and Causation,” at Cambridge University. The workshops were organized by philosopher Alex Broadbent,  a member of the Department of History and Philosophy of Science, in Cambridge University.  The workshops were financially sponsored by the Foundation for Genomics and Population Health (PHG), a not-for-profit British organization.

Broadbent’s workshops were intended for philosophers of science, statisticians, and epidemiologists, lawyers involved in health effects litigation will find the papers of interest as well.  The themes of workshops included:

  • the nature of epidemiologic causation,
  • the competing claims of observational and experimental research for establishing causation,
  • the role of explanation and prediction in assessing causality,
  • the role of moral values in causal judgments, and
  • the role of statistical and epistemic uncertainty in causal judgments

See Alex Broadbent, ed., “Special Section: Epidemiology, Risk, and Causation,” 53 Preventive Medicine 213-356 (October-November 2011).  Preventive Medicine is published by Elsevier Inc., so you know that the articles are not free.  Still you may want to read these at your local library to determine what may be useful in challenging and defending causal judgments in the courtroom.  One of the interlocutors, Sander Greenland, is of particular interest because he shows up as an expert witness with some regularity.

Here are the individual papers published in this special issue:

Alfredo Morabia, Michael C. Costanza, Philosophy and epidemiology

Alex Broadbent, Conceptual and methodological issues in epidemiology: An overview

Alfredo Morabia, Until the lab takes it away from epidemiology

Nancy Cartwright, Predicting what will happen when we act. What counts for warrant?

Sander Greenland, Null misinterpretation in statistical testing and its impact on health risk assessment

Daniel M. Hausman, How can irregular causal generalizations guide practice

Mark Parascandola, Causes, risks, and probabilities: Probabilistic concepts of causation in chronic disease epidemiology

John Worrall, Causality in medicine: Getting back to the Hill top

Olaf M. Dekkers, On causation in therapeutic research: Observational studies, randomised experiments and instrumental variable analysis

Alexander Bird, The epistemological function of Hill’s criteria

Michael Joffe, The gap between evidence discovery and actual causal relationships

Stephen John, Why the prevention paradox is a paradox, and why we should solve it: A philosophical view

Jonathan Wolff, How should governments respond to the social determinants of health?

Alex Broadbent, What could possibly go wrong? — A heuristic for predicting population health outcomes of interventions, Pages 256-259

The Treatment of Meta-Analysis in the Third Edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence

November 14th, 2011

Meta-analysis is a statistical procedure for aggregating data and statistics from individual studies into a single summary statistical estimate of the population measurement of interest.  The first meta-analysis is typically attributed to Karl Pearson, circa 1904, who sought a method to overcome the limitations of small sample size and low statistical power.  Statistical methods for meta-analysis, however, did not mature until the 1970s.  Even then, the biomedical scientific community remained skeptical of, if not out rightly hostile to, meta-analysis until relatively recently.

The hostility to meta-analysis, especially in the context of observational epidemiologic studies, was colorfully expressed by Samuel Shapiro and Alvan Feinstein, as late as the 1990s:

“Meta-analysis begins with scientific studies….  [D]ata from these studies are then run through computer models of bewildering complexity which produce results of implausible precision.”

* * * *

“I propose that the meta-analysis of published non-experimental data should be abandoned.”

Samuel Shapiro, “Meta-analysis/Smeta-analysis,” 140 Am. J. Epidem. 771, 777 (1994).  See also Alvan Feinstein, “Meta-Analysis: Statistical Alchemy for the 21st Century,” 48 J. Clin. Epidem. 71 (1995).

The professional skepticism about meta-analysis was reflected in some of the early judicial assessments of meta-analysis in court cases.  In the 1980s and early 1990s, some trial judges erroneously dismissed meta-analysis as a flawed statistical procedure that claimed to make something out of nothing. Allen v. Int’l Bus. Mach. Corp., No. 94-264-LON, 1997 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 8016, at *71–*74 (suggesting that meta-analysis of observational studies was controversial among epidemiologists).

In In re Paoli Railroad Yard PCB Litigation, Judge Robert Kelly excluded plaintiffs’ expert witness Dr. William Nicholson and his testimony based upon his unpublished meta-analysis of health outcomes among PCB-exposed workers.  Judge Kelly found that the meta-analysis was a novel technique, and that Nicholson’s meta-analysis was not peer reviewed.  Furthermore, the meta-analysis assessed health outcomes not experienced by any of the plaintiffs before the trial court.  706 F. Supp. 358, 373 (E.D. Pa. 1988).

The Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit reversed the exclusion of Dr. Nicholson’s testimony, and remanded for reconsideration with instructions.  In re Paoli R.R. Yard PCB Litig., 916 F.2d 829, 856-57 (3d Cir. 1990), cert. denied, 499 U.S. 961 (1991); Hines v. Consol. Rail Corp., 926 F.2d 262, 273 (3d Cir. 1991).  The Circuit noted that meta-analysis was not novel, and that the lack of peer-review was not an automatic disqualification.  Acknowledging that a meta-analysis could be performed poorly using invalid methods, the appellate court directed the trial court to evaluate the validity of Dr. Nicholson’s work on his meta-analysis.

In one of many squirmishes over colorectal cancer claims in asbestos litigation, Judge Sweet in the Southern District of New York was unimpressed by efforts to aggregate data across studies.  Judge Sweet declared that “no matter how many studies yield a positive but statistically insignificant SMR for colorectal cancer, the results remain statistically insignificant. Just as adding a series of zeros together yields yet another zero as the product, adding a series of positive but statistically insignificant SMRs together does not produce a statistically significant pattern.”  In In re Joint E. & S. Dist. Asbestos Litig., 827 F. Supp. 1014, 1042 (S.D.N.Y. 1993).  The plaintiffs’ expert witness who had offered the unreliable testimony, Dr. Steven Markowitz, like Nicholson, another foot soldier in Dr. Irving Selikoff’s litigation machine, did not offer a formal meta-analysis to justify his assessment that multiple non-significant studies, taken together, rule out chance as a likely explanation for an aggregate finding of an increased risk.

Judge Sweet was quite justified in rejecting this back of the envelope, non-quantitative meta-analysis.  His suggestion, however, that multiple non-significant studies could never collectively serve to rule out chance as an explanation for an overall increased rate of disease in the exposed groups is wrong.  Judge Sweet would have better focused on the validity issues in key studies, the presence of bias and confounding, and the completeness of the proffered meta-analysis.  The Second Circuit reversed the entry of summary judgment, and remanded the colorectal cancer claim for trial.  52 F.3d 1124 (2d Cir. 1995).  Over a decade later, with even more accumulated studies and data, the Institute of Medicine found the evidence for asbestos plaintiffs’ colorectal cancer claims to be scientifically insufficient.  Institute of Medicine, Asbestos: Selected Cancers (Wash. D.C. 2006).

Courts continue to go astray with an erroneous belief that multiple studies, all without statistically significant results, cannot yield a statistically significant summary estimate of increased risk.  See, e.g., Baker v. Chevron USA, Inc., 2010 WL 99272, *14-15 (S.D.Ohio 2010) (addressing a meta-analysis by Dr. Infante on multiple myeloma outcomes in studies of benzene-exposed workers).  There were many sound objections to Infante’s meta-analysis, but the suggestion that multiple studies without statistical significance could not yield a summary estimate of risk with statistical significance was not one of them.

In the last two decades, meta-analysis has emerged as an important technique for addressing random variation in studies, as well as some of the limitations of frequentist statistical methods.  In 1980s, articles reporting meta-analyses were rare to non-existent.  In 2009, there were over 2,300 articles with “meta-analysis” in their title, or in their keywords, indexed in the PubMed database of the National Library of Medicine.  See Michael O. Finkelstein and Bruce Levin, “Meta-Analysis of ‘Sparse’ Data: Perspectives from the Avandia Cases” (2011) (forthcoming in Jurimetrics).

The techniques for aggregating data have been studied, refined, and employed extensively in thousands of methods and application papers in the last decade. Consensus guideline papers have been published for meta-analyses of clinical trials as well as observational studies.  See Donna Stroup, et al., “Meta-analysis of Observational Studies in Epidemiology: A Proposal for Reporting,” 283 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 2008 (2000) (MOOSE statement); David Moher, Deborah Cook, Susan Eastwood, Ingram Olkin, Drummond Rennie, and Donna Stroup, “Improving the quality of reports of meta-analyses of randomised controlled trials: the QUOROM statement,” 354 Lancet 1896 (1999).  See also Jesse Berlin & Carin Kim, “The Use of Meta-Analysis in Pharmacoepidemiology,” in Brian Strom, ed., Pharmacoepidemiology 681, 683–84 (4th ed. 2005); Zachary Gerbarg & Ralph Horwitz, “Resolving Conflicting Clinical Trials: Guidelines for Meta-Analysis,” 41 J. Clin. Epidemiol. 503 (1988).

Meta-analyses, of observational studies and of randomized clinical trials, routinely are relied upon by expert witnesses in pharmaceutical and so-called toxic tort litigation. Id. See also In re Bextra and Celebrex Marketing Sales Practices and Prod. Liab. Litig., 524 F. Supp. 2d 1166, 1174, 1184 (N.D. Cal. 2007) (holding that reliance upon “[a] meta-analysis of all available published and unpublished randomized clinical trials” was reasonable and appropriate, and criticizing the expert witnesses who urged the complete rejection of meta-analysis of observational studies)

The second edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence gave very little attention to meta-analysis.  With this historical backdrop, it is interesting to see what the new third edition provides for guidance to the federal judiciary on this important topic.

STATISTICS CHAPTER

The statistics chapter of the third edition gives continues to give scant attention to meta-analysis.  The chapter notes, in a footnote, that there are formal procedures for aggregating data across studies, and that the power of the aggregated data will exceed the power of the individual, included studies.  The footnote then cautions that meta-analytic procedures “have their own weakness,” without detailing what that one weakness is.  RMSE 3d at 254 n. 107.

The glossary at the end of the statistics chapter offers a definition of meta-analysis:

“meta-analysis. Attempts to combine information from all studies on a certain topic. For example, in the epidemiological context, a meta-analysis may attempt to provide a summary odds ratio and confidence interval for the effect of a certain exposure on a certain disease.”

Id. at 289.

This definition is inaccurate in ways that could yield serious mischief.  Virtually all meta-analyses are built upon a systematic review that sets out to collect all available studies on a research issue of interest.  It is a rare meta-analysis, however, that includes “all” studies in its quantitative analysis.  The meta-analytic process involves a pre-specification of inclusionary and exclusionary criteria for the quantitative analysis of the summary estimate of risk.  Those criteria may limit the quantitative analysis to randomized trials, or to analytical epidemiologic studies.  Furthermore, meta-analyses frequently and appropriately have pre-specified exclusionary criteria that relate to study design or quality.

On a more technical note, the offered definition suggests that the summary estimate of risk will be an odds ratio, which may or may not be true.  Meta-analyses of risk ratios may yield summary estimates of risk in terms of relative risk or hazard ratios, or even of risk differences.  The meta-analysis may combine data of means rather than proportions as well.

EPIDEMIOLOGY CHAPTER

The chapter on epidemiology delves into meta-analysis in greater detail than the statistics chapter, and offers apparently inconsistent advice.  The overall gist of the chapter, however, can perhaps best be summarized by the definition offered in this chapter’s glossary:

“meta-analysis. A technique used to combine the results of several studies to enhance the precision of the estimate of the effect size and reduce the plausibility that the association found is due to random sampling error.  Meta-analysis is best suited to pooling results from randomly controlled experimental studies, but if carefully performed, it also may be useful for observational studies.”

Reference Guide on Epidemiology, RSME3d at 624.  See also id. at 581 n. 89 (“Meta-analysis is better suited to combining results from randomly controlled experimental studies, but if carefully performed it may also be helpful for observational studies, such as those in the epidemiologic field.”).  The epidemiology chapter appropriately notes that meta-analysis can help address concerns over random error in small studies.  Id. at 579; see also id. at 607 n. 171.

Having told us that properly conducted meta-analyses of observational studies can be helpful, the chapter hedges considerably:

“Meta-analysis is most appropriate when used in pooling randomized experimental trials, because the studies included in the meta-analysis share the most significant methodological characteristics, in particular, use of randomized assignment of subjects to different exposure groups. However, often one is confronted with nonrandomized observational studies of the effects of possible toxic substances or agents. A method for summarizing such studies is greatly needed, but when meta-analysis is applied to observational studies – either case-control or cohort – it becomes more controversial.174 The reason for this is that often methodological differences among studies are much more pronounced than they are in randomized trials. Hence, the justification for pooling the results and deriving a single estimate of risk, for example, is problematic.175

Id. at 607.  The stated objection to pooling results for observational studies is certainly correct, but many research topics have sufficient studies available to allow for appropriate selectivity in framing inclusionary and exclusionary criteria to address the objection.  The chapter goes on to credit the critics of meta-analyses of observational studies.  As they did in the second edition of the RSME, the authors repeat their cites to, and quotes from, early papers by John Bailar, who was then critical of such meta-analyses:

“Much has been written about meta-analysis recently and some experts consider the problems of meta-analysis to outweigh the benefits at the present time. For example, John Bailar has observed:

‘[P]roblems have been so frequent and so deep, and overstatements of the strength of conclusions so extreme, that one might well conclude there is something seriously and fundamentally wrong with the method. For the present . . . I still prefer the thoughtful, old-fashioned review of the literature by a knowledgeable expert who explains and defends the judgments that are presented. We have not yet reached a stage where these judgments can be passed on, even in part, to a formalized process such as meta-analysis.’

John Bailar, “Assessing Assessments,” 277 Science 528, 529 (1997).”

Id. at 607 n.177.  Bailar’s subjective preference for “old-fashioned” reviews, which often cherry picked the included studies is, well, “old fashioned.”  More to the point, it is questionable science, and a distinctly minority viewpoint in the light of substantial improvements in the conduct and reporting of meta-analyses of observational studies.  Bailar may be correct that some meta-analyses should have never left the protocol stage, but the RMSE 3d fails to provide the judiciary with the tools to appreciate the distinction between good and bad meta-analyses.

This categorical rejection, cited with apparent approval, is amplified by a recitation of some real or apparent problems with meta-analyses of observational studies.  What is missing is a discussion of how many of these problems can be and are dealt with in contemporary practice:

“A number of problems and issues arise in meta-analysis. Should only published papers be included in the meta-analysis, or should any available studies be used, even if they have not been peer reviewed? Can the results of the meta-analysis itself be reproduced by other analysts? When there are several meta-analyses of a given relationship, why do the results of different meta-analyses often disagree? The appeal of a meta-analysis is that it generates a single estimate of risk (along with an associated confidence interval), but this strength can also be a weakness, and may lead to a false sense of security regarding the certainty of the estimate. A key issue is the matter of heterogeneity of results among the studies being summarized.  If there is more variance among study results than one would expect by chance, this creates further uncertainty about the summary measure from the meta-analysis. Such differences can arise from variations in study quality, or in study populations or in study designs. Such differences in results make it harder to trust a single estimate of effect; the reasons for such differences need at least to be acknowledged and, if possible, explained.176 People often tend to have an inordinate belief in the validity of the findings when a single number is attached to them, and many of the difficulties that may arise in conducting a meta-analysis, especially of observational studies such as epidemiologic ones, may consequently be overlooked.177

Id. at 608.  The authors are entitled to their opinion, but their discussion leaves the judiciary uninformed about current practice, and best practices, in epidemiology.  A categorical rejection of meta-analyses of observational studies is at odds with the chapter’s own claim that such meta-analyses can be helpful if properly performed.  What was needed, and is missing, is a meaningful discussion to help the judiciary determine whether a meta-analysis of observational studies was properly performed.

MEDICAL TESTIMONY CHAPTER

The chapter on medical testimony is the third pass at meta-analysis in RMSE 3d.   The second edition’s chapter on medical testimony ignored meta-analysis completely; the new edition addresses meta-analysis in the context of the hierarchy of study designs:

“Other circumstances that set the stage for an intense focus on medical evidence included

(1) the development of medical research, including randomized controlled trials and other observational study designs;

(2) the growth of diagnostic and therapeutic interventions;141

(3) interest in understanding medical decision making and how physicians reason;142 and

(4) the acceptance of meta-analysis as a method to combine data from multiple randomized trials.143

RMSE 3d at 722-23.

The chapter curiously omits observational studies, but the footnote reference (note 143) then inconsistently discusses two meta-analyses of observational, rather than experimental, studies:

“143. Video Software Dealers Ass’n v. Schwarzenegger, 556 F.3d 950, 963 (9th Cir. 2009) (analyzing a meta-analysis of studies on video games and adolescent behavior); Kennecott Greens Creek Min. Co. v. Mine Safety & Health Admin., 476 F.3d 946, 953 (D.C. Cir. 2007) (reviewing the Mine Safety and Health Administration’s reliance on epidemiological studies and two meta-analyses).”

Id. at 723 n.143.

The medical testimony chapter then provides further confusion by giving a more detailed listing of the hierarchy of medical evidence in the form of different study designs:

3. Hierarchy of medical evidence

With the explosion of available medical evidence, increased emphasis has been placed on assembling, evaluating, and interpreting medical research evidence.  A fundamental principle of evidence-based medicine (see also Section IV.C.5, infra) is that the strength of medical evidence supporting a therapy or strategy is hierarchical.  When ordered from strongest to weakest, systematic review of randomized trials (meta-analysis) is at the top, followed by single randomized trials, systematic reviews of observational studies, single observational studies, physiological studies, and unsystematic clinical observations.150 An analysis of the frequency with which various study designs are cited by others provides empirical evidence supporting the influence of meta-analysis followed by randomized controlled trials in the medical evidence hierarchy.151 Although they are at the bottom of the evidence hierarchy, unsystematic clinical observations or case reports may be the first signals of adverse events or associations that are later confirmed with larger or controlled epidemiological studies (e.g., aplastic anemia caused by chloramphenicol,152 or lung cancer caused by asbestos153). Nonetheless, subsequent studies may not confirm initial reports (e.g., the putative association between coffee consumption and pancreatic cancer).154

Id. at 723-24.  This discussion further muddies the water by using a parenthetical to suggest that meta-analyses of randomized clinical trials are equivalent to systematic reviews of such studies — “systematic review of randomized trials (meta-analysis).” Of course, systematic reviews are not meta-analyses, although they are a necessary precondition for conducting a meta-analysis.  The relationship between the procedures for a systematic review and a meta-analysis are in need of clarification, but the judiciary will not find it in the new Reference Manual.

Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence v3.0 – Disregarding Study Validity in Favor of the “Whole Gamish”

October 14th, 2011

There is much to digest in the new Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence, third edition (RMSE 3d).  Much of what is covered is solid information on the individual scientific and technical disciplines covered.  Although the information is easily available from other sources, there is some value in collecting the material in a single volume for the convenience of judges.  Of course, given that this information is provided to judges from an ostensibly neutral, credible source, lawyers will naturally focus on what is doubtful or controversial in the RMSE.

I have already noted some preliminary concerns, however, with some of the comments in the Preface, by Judge Kessler and Dr. Kassirer.  See “New Reference Manual’s Uneven Treatment of Conflicts of Interest.”  In addition, there is a good deal of overlap among the chapters on statistics, epidemiology, and medical testimony.  This overlap is at first blush troubling because the RMSE has the potential to confuse and obscure issues by having multiple authors address them inconsistently.  This is an area where reviewers should pay close attention.

From first looks at the RMSE 3d, there is a good deal of equivocation between encouraging judges to look at scientific validity, and discouraging them from any meaningful analysis by emphasizing inaccurate proxies for validity, such as conflicts of interest.  (As I have pointed out, the new RSME did not do quite so well in addressing its own conflicts of interest.  SeeToxicology for Judges – The New Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (2011).”)

The strengths of the chapter on statistical evidence, updated from the second edition, remain, as do some of the strengths and flaws of the chapter on epidemiology.  I hope to write more about each of these important chapters at a later date.

The late Professor Margaret Berger has an updated version of her chapter from the second edition, “The Admissibility of Expert Testimony,” RSME 3d 11 (2011).  Berger’s chapter has a section criticizing “atomization,” a process she describes pejoratively as a “slicing-and-dicing” approach.  Id. at 19.  Drawing on the publications of Daubert-critic Susan Haack, Berger rejects the notion that courts should examine the reliability of each study independently. Id. at 20 & n. 51 (citing Susan Haack, “An Epistemologist in the Bramble-Bush: At the Supreme Court with Mr. Joiner,” 26 J. Health Pol. Pol’y & L. 217–37 (1999).  Berger contends that the “proper” scientific method, as evidenced by works of the International Agency for Research on Cancer, the Institute of Medicine, the National Institute of Health, the National Research Council, and the National Institute for Environmental Health Sciences, “is to consider all the relevant available scientific evidence, taken as a whole, to determine which conclusion or hypothesis regarding a causal claim is best supported by the body of evidence.” Id. at 19-20 & n.52.  This contention, however, is profoundly misleading.  Of course, scientists undertaking a systematic review should identify all the relevant studies, but some of the “relevant” studies may well be insufficiently reliable (because of internal or external validity issues) to answer the research question at hand. All the cited agencies, and other research organizations and researchers, exclude studies that are fundamentally flawed, whether as a result of bias, confounding, erroneous data analyses, or related problems.  Berger cites no support for the remarkable suggestion that scientists do not make “reliability” judgments about available studies when assessing the “totality of the evidence.”

Professor Berger, who had a distinguished career as a law professor and evidence scholar, died in November 2010.  She was no friend of Daubert, but remarkably her antipathy has outlived her.  Her critical discussion of “atomization” cites the notorious decision in Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 639 F.3d 11, 26 (1st Cir. 2011), which was decided four months after her passing. Id. at 20 n.51. (The editors note that the published chapter was Berger’s last revision, with “a few edits to respond to suggestions by reviewers.”)

Professor Berger’s contention about the need to avoid assessments of individual studies in favor of the whole gamish must also be rejected because Federal Rule of Evidence 703 requires that each study considered by an expert witness “qualify” for reasonable reliance by virtue of the study’s containing facts or data that are “of a type reasonably relied upon by experts in the particular field forming opinions or inferences upon the subject.”  One of the deeply troubling aspects of the Milward decision is that it reversed the trial court’s sensible decision to exclude a toxicologist, Dr. Martyn Smith, who outran his headlights on issues having to do with a field in which he was clearly inexperienced – epidemiology.

Scientific studies, and especially epidemiologic studies, involve multiple levels of hearsay.  A typical epidemiologic study may contain hearsay leaps from patient to clinician, to laboratory technicians, to specialists interpreting test results, back to the clinician for a diagnosis, to a nosologist for disease coding, to a national or hospital database, to a researcher querying the database, to a statistician analyzing the data, to a manuscript that details data, analyses, and results, to editors and peer reviewers, back to study authors, and on to publication.  Those leaps do not mean that the final results are untrustworthy, only that the study itself is not likely admissible in evidence.

The inadmissibility of scientific studies is not problematic because Rule 703 permits testifying expert witnesses to formulate opinions based upon facts and data, which are not themselves admissible in evidence. The distinction between relied upon, and admissible, studies is codified in the Federal Rules of Evidence, and in virtually every state’s evidence law.

Referring to studies, without qualification, as admissible in themselves is wrong as a matter of evidence law.  The error has the potential to encourage carelessness in gatekeeping expert witnesses’ opinions for their reliance upon inadmissible studies.  The error is doubly wrong if this approach to expert witness gatekeeping is taken as license to permit expert witnesses to rely upon any marginally relevant study of their choosing.  It is therefore disconcerting that the new Reference Manual on Science Evidence (RMSE 3d) fails to make the appropriate distinction between admissibility of studies and admissibility of expert witness opinion that has reasonably relied upon appropriate studies.

Consider the following statement from the chapter on epidemiology:

“An epidemiologic study that is sufficiently rigorous to justify a conclusion that it is scientifically valid should be admissible,184 as it tends to make an issue in dispute more or less likely.185

RMSE 3d at 610.  Curiously, the authors of this chapter have ignored Professor Berger’s caution against slicing and dicing, and speak to a single study’s ability to justify a conclusion. The authors of the epidemiology chapter seem to be stressing that scientifically valid studies should be admissible.  The footnote emphasizes the point:

See DeLuca v. Merrell Dow Pharms., Inc., 911 F.2d 941, 958 (3d Cir. 1990); cf. Kehm v. Procter & Gamble Co., 580 F. Supp. 890, 902 (N.D. Iowa 1982) (“These [epidemiologic] studies were highly probative on the issue of causation—they all concluded that an association between tampon use and menstrually related TSS [toxic shock syndrome] cases exists.”), aff’d, 724 F.2d 613 (8th Cir. 1984). Hearsay concerns may limit the independent admissibility of the study, but the study could be relied on by an expert in forming an opinion and may be admissible pursuant to Fed. R. Evid. 703 as part of the underlying facts or data relied on by the expert. In Ellis v. International Playtex, Inc., 745 F.2d 292, 303 (4th Cir. 1984), the court concluded that certain epidemiologic studies were admissible despite criticism of the methodology used in the studies. The court held that the claims of bias went to the studies’ weight rather than their admissibility. Cf. Christophersen v. Allied-Signal Corp., 939 F.2d 1106, 1109 (5th Cir. 1991) (“As a general rule, questions relating to the bases and sources of an expert’s opinion affect the weight to be assigned that opinion rather than its admissibility. . . .”).”

RMSE 3d at 610 n.184 (emphasis in bold, added).  This statement, that studies relied upon by an expert in forming an opinion may be admissible pursuant to Rule 703, is unsupported by Rule 703 and the overwhelming weight of case law interpreting and applying the rule.  (Interestingly, the authors of this chapter seem to abandon their suggestion that studies relied upon “might qualify for the learned treatise exception to the hearsay rule, Fed. R. Evid. 803(18), or possibly the catchall exceptions, Fed. R. Evid. 803(24) & 804(5),” which was part of their argument in the Second Edition of the RMSE.  RMSE 2d at 335 (2000).)  See also RMSE 3d at 214 (discussing statistical studies as generally “admissible,” but acknowledging that admissibility may be no more than permission to explain the basis for an expert’s opinion).

The cases cited by the epidemiology chapter, Kehm and Ellis, both involved “factual findings” in public investigative or evaluative reports, which were independently admissible under Federal Rule of Evidence 803(8)(C).  See Ellis, 745 F.2d at 299-303; Kehm, 724 F.2d at 617-18.  As such, the cases hardly support the chapter’s suggestion that Rule 703 is a rule of admissibility for epidemiologic studies.

Here the RMSE, in one sentence, confuses Rule 703 with an exception to the rule against hearsay, which would prevent the statistical studies from being received in evidence.  The point is reasonably clear, however, that the studies “may be offered” to explain an expert witness’s opinion.  Under Rule 705, that offer may also be refused. The offer, however, is to “explain,” not to have the studies admitted in evidence.

The RMSE is certainly not alone in advancing this notion that studies are themselves admissible.  Other well-respected evidence scholars lapse into this position:

“Well conducted studies are uniformly admitted.”

David L. Faigman, et al., Modern Scientific Evidence:  The Law and Science of Expert Testimony v.1, § 23:1,at 206 (2009)

Evidence scholars should not conflate admissibility of the epidemiologic (or other) studies with the ability of an expert witness to advert to a study to explain his or her opinion.  The testifying expert witness really has no need to become a conduit for off-hand comments and opinions in the introduction or discussion section of relied upon articles, and the wholesale admission of such hearsay opinions undermines the court’s control over opinion evidence.  Rule 703 authorizes reasonable reliance upon “facts and data,” not every opinion that creeps into the published literature.

New Reference Manual’s Uneven Treatment of Conflicts of Interest

October 12th, 2011

The new, third edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (RMSE) appears to get off to a good start in the Preface by Judge Kessler and Dr. Kassirer, when they note that the Supreme Court mandated federal courts to

“examine the scientific basis of expert testimony to ensure that it meets the same rigorous standard employed by scientific researchers and practitioners outside the courtroom.”

RMSE at xiii.  The preface falters, however, on two key issues, causation and conflicts of interest, which are taken up as an introduction to the new volume.

1. CAUSATION

The authors tell us in squishy terms that causal assessments are judgments:

“Fundamentally, the task is an inferential process of weighing evidence and using judgment to conclude whether or not an effect is the result of some stimulus. Judgment is required even when using sophisticated statistical methods. Such methods can provide powerful evidence of associations between variables, but they cannot prove that a causal relationship exists. Theories of causation (evolution, for example) lose their designation as theories only if the scientific community has rejected alternative theories and accepted the causal relationship as fact. Elements that are often considered in helping to establish a causal relationship include predisposing factors, proximity of a stimulus to its putative outcome, the strength of the stimulus, and the strength of the events in a causal chain.”

RMSE at xiv.

The authors leave the inferential process as a matter of “weighing evidence,” but without saying anything about how the scientific community does its “weighing.”  Language about “proving” causation is also unclear because “proof” in scientific parlance connotes a demonstration, which we typically find in logic or in mathematics.  Proving empirical propositions suggests a bar set too high such that the courts must inevitable lower the bar considerably.  The question is, of course, how low will judges go to admit evidence.

The authors thus introduce hand waving and excuses for why evidence can be weighed differently in court proceedings from the world of science:

“Unfortunately, judges may be in a less favorable position than scientists to make causal assessments. Scientists may delay their decision while they or others gather more data. Judges, on the other hand, must rule on causation based on existing information. Concepts of causation familiar to scientists (no matter what stripe) may not resonate with judges who are asked to rule on general causation (i.e., is a particular stimulus known to produce a particular reaction) or specific causation (i.e., did a particular stimulus cause a particular consequence in a specific instance). In the final analysis, a judge does not have the option of suspending judgment until more information is available, but must decide after considering the best available science.”

RMSE at xiv.  But the “best available science” may be pretty crummy, and the temptation to turn desperation into evidence (“well, it’s the best we have now”) is often severe.  The authors of the Preface signal that “inconclusive” is not a judgment open to judges charged with expert witness gatekeeping.  If the authors truly mean to suggest that judges should go with whatever is dished out as “the best available science,” then they have overlooked the obvious:  Rule 702 opens the door to “scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge,” not to hunches, suggestive but inconclusive evidence, and wishful thinking about how the science may turn out when further along.  Courts have a choice to exclude expert witness opinion testimony that is based upon incomplete or inconclusive evidence.

2. CONFLICTS OF INTEREST

Surprisingly, given the scope of the scientific areas covered in the RMSE, the authors discuss conflicts of interest (COI) at some length.  Conflicts of interest are a fact of life in all endeavors, and it is understandable counsel judges and juries to try to identify, assess, and control them.  COIs, however, are weak proxies for unreliability.  The emphasis given here is undue because federal judges are misled into thinking that they can discern unreliability from COI, when they should be focused on the data and the analysis.

The authors of the Preface set about to use COI as a basis for giving litigation plaintiffs a pass, and for holding back studies sponsored by corporate defendants.

“Conflict of interest manifests as bias, and given the high stakes and adversarial nature of many courtroom proceedings, bias can have a major influence on evidence, testimony, and decisionmaking. Conflicts of interest take many forms and can be based on religious, social, political, or other personal convictions. The biases that these convictions can induce may range from serious to extreme, but these intrinsic influences and the biases they can induce are difficult to identify. Even individuals with such prejudices may not appreciate that they have them, nor may they realize that their interpretations of scientific issues may be biased by them. Because of these limitations, we consider here only financial conflicts of interest; such conflicts are discoverable. Nonetheless, even though financial conflicts can be identified, having such a conflict, even one involving huge sums of money, does not necessarily mean that a given individual will be biased. Having a financial relationship with a commercial entity produces a conflict of interest, but it does not inevitably evoke bias. In science, financial conflict of interest is often accompanied by disclosure of the relationship, leaving to the public the decision whether the interpretation might be tainted. Needless to say, such an assessment may be difficult. The problem is compounded in scientific publications by obscure ways in which the conflicts are reported and by a lack of disclosure of dollar amounts.

Judges and juries, however, must consider financial conflicts of interest when assessing scientific testimony. The threshold for pursuing the possibility of bias must be low. In some instances, judges have been frustrated in identifying expert witnesses who are free of conflict of interest because entire fields of science seem to be co-opted by payments from industry. Judges must also be aware that the research methods of studies funded specifically for purposes of litigation could favor one of the parties. Though awareness of such financial conflicts in itself is not necessarily predictive of bias, such information should be sought and evaluated as part of the deliberations.”

RMSE at xiv-xv.  All in all, rather misleading advice.  Financial conflicts are not the only conflicts that can be “discovered.”  Often expert witnesses will have political and organizational alignments, which will show deep-seated ideological alignments with the party for which they are testifying.  For instance, in one silicosis case, an expert witness in the field of history of medicine testified, at an examination before trial, that his father suffered from a silica-related disease.  This witness’s alignment with Marxist historians and his identification with radical labor movements made his non-financial conflicts obvious, although these COI would not necessarily have been apparent from his scholarly publications alone.

How low will the bar be set for discovering COI?  If testifying expert witnesses are relying upon textbooks, articles, essays, will federal courts open the authors/hearsay declarants up to searching discovery of their finances?

Also misleading is the suggestion that “entire fields of science seem to be co-opted by payments from industry.”  Do the authors mean to exclude the plaintiffs’ lawyer litigation industry, which has grown so large and politically powerful in this country?  In litigations in which I have been involved, I have certainly seen plaintiffs’ counsel, or their proxies – labor unions or “victim support groups” provide substantial funding for studies.  The Preface authors themselves show an untoward bias by their pointing out industry payments without giving balanced attention to other interested parties’ funding of scientific studies.

The attention to COI is also surprising given that one of the key chapters, for toxic tort practitioners, was written by Dr. Bernard D. Goldstein, who has testified in toxic tort cases, mostly (but not exclusively) for plaintiffs.  See, e.g., Parker v. Mobil Oil Corp., 7 N.Y.3d 434, 857 N.E.2d 1114, 824 N.Y.S.2d 584 (2006); Exxon Corp. v. Makofski, 116 SW 3d 176 (Tex. Ct. App. 2003).  The Makofsky case is particularly interesting because Dr. Goldstein was forced to explain why he was willing to opine that benzene caused acute lymphocytic leukemia, despite the plethora of published studies finding no statistically significant relationship.  Dr. Goldstein resorted to the inaccurate notion that scientific “proof” of causation requires 95 percent certainty, whereas he imposed only a 51 percent certainty for his medico-legal testimonial adventures. Dr. Goldstein also attempted to justify the discrepancy from the published literature by adverting to the lower standards used by federal regulatory agencies and treating physicians. Id.

These explanations are particularly concerning because they reflect basic errors in statistics and in causal reasoning.  The 95 percent derives from the use of the same percentage in confidence intervals, but the probability involved there is not the probability of the association’s being correct, and it has nothing to do with the probability in the belief that an association is real or is causal.  (Thankfully the RMSE chapter on statistics gets this right, but my fear is that judges will skip over the more demanding chapter on statistics and place undue weight on the toxicology chapter, written by Dr. Goldstein.)  The reference to federal agencies (OSHA, EPA, etc.) and to treating physicians was meant, no doubt, to invoke precautionary principle concepts as a justification for some vague, ill-defined, lower standard of causal assessment.

The Preface authors might well have taken their own counsel and conducted a more searching assessment of COI among authors of Reference Manual.  Better yet, the authors might have focused the judiciary on the data and the analysis.

Toxicology for Judges – The New Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (2011)

October 5th, 2011

I have begun to dip into the massive third edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence.  To date, there have been only a couple of acknowledgments of this new work, which was released to the public on September 28, 2011.  SeeA New Day – A New Edition of the Reference Manual of Scientific Evidence”; and David Kaye, “Prometheus Unbound: Releasing the New Edition of the FJC Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence.”

Like previous editions, the substantive scientific areas are covered in discrete chapters, written by subject matter specialists, often along with a lawyer who addresses the legal implications and judicial treatment of that subject matter.  From my perspective, the chapters on statistics, epidemiology, and toxicology are the most important in my practice and in teaching, and I decided to start with the toxicology.  The toxicology chapter, “Reference Guide on Toxicology,” in the third edition is written by Professor Bernard D. Goldstein, of the University of Pittsburgh Graduate School of Public Health, and Mary Sue Henifin, a partner in the law firm of Buchanan Ingersoll, P.C.

CONFLICTS OF INTEREST

At the question and answer session of the public release ceremony, one gentleman rose to note that some of the authors were lawyers with big firm affiliations, which he supposed must mean that they represent mostly defendants.  Based upon his premise, he asked what the review committee had done to ensure that conflicts of interest did not skew or distort the discussions in the affected chapters.  Dr. Kassirer and Judge Kessler responded by pointing out that the chapters were peer reviewed by outside reviewers, and reviewed by members of the supervising review committee.  The questioner seemed reassured, but now that I have looked at the toxicology chapter, I am not so sure.

The questioner’s premise that a member of a large firm will represent mostly defendants and thus have a pro-defense  bias is probably a common perception among unsophisticated lay observers.  What is missing from their analysis is the realization that although gatekeeping helps the defense lawyers’ clients, it takes away legal work from firms that represent defendants in the litigations that are pretermitted by effective judicial gatekeeping.  Erosion of gatekeeping concepts, however, inures to the benefit of plaintiffs, their counsel, as well as the expert witnesses engaged on behalf of plaintiffs in litigation.

The questioner’s supposition in the case of the toxicology chapter, however, is doubly flawed.  If he had known more about the authors, he would probably not have asked his question.  First, the lawyer author, Ms. Henifin, is known for having taken virulently anti-manufacturer positions.  See Richard M. Lynch and Mary S. Henifin, “Causation in Occupational Disease: Balancing Epidemiology, Law and Manufacturer Conduct,” 9 Risk: Health, Safety & Environment 259, 269 (1998) (conflating distinct causal and liability concepts, and arguing that legal and scientific causal criteria should be abrogated when manufacturing defendant has breached a duty of care).

As for the scientist author of the toxicology chapter, Professor Goldstein, the casual reader of the chapter may want to know that he has testified in any number of toxic tort cases, almost invariably on the plaintiffs’ side.  Unlike the defense lawyer, who loses business revenue, when courts shut down unreliable claims, plaintiffs’ testifying or consulting expert witnesses stand to gain by minimalist expert witness opinion gatekeeping.  Given the economic asymmetries, the reader must thus want to know that Prof. Goldstein was excluded as an expert witness in some high-profile toxic tort cases.  See, e.g., Parker v. Mobil Oil Corp., 7 N.Y.3d 434, 857 N.E.2d 1114, 824 N.Y.S.2d 584 (2006) (dismissing leukemia (AML) claim based upon claimed low-level benzene exposure from gasoline) , aff’g 16 A.D.3d 648 (App. Div. 2d Dep’t 2005).  No; you will not find the Parker case cited in the Manual‘s chapter on toxicology. (Parker is, however, cited in the chapter on exposure science.)

I have searched but I could not find any disclosure of Professor Goldstein’s conflicts of interests in this new edition of the Reference Manual.  I would welcome a correction if I am wrong.  Having pointed out this conflict, I would note that financial conflicts of interest are nothing really compared to ideological conflicts of interest, which often propel scientists into service as expert witnesses.

HORMESIS

One way that ideological conflicts might be revealed is to look for imbalances in the presentation of toxicologic concepts.  Most lawyers who litigate cases that involve exposure-response issues are familiar with the “linear no threshold” (LNT) concept that is used frequently in regulatory risk assessments, and which has metastasized to toxic tort litigation, where LNT often has no proper place.

LNT is a dubious assumption because it claims to “known” the dose response at very low exposure levels in the absence of data.  There is a thin plausibility for genotoxic chemicals claimed to be carcinogens, but even that plausibility evaporates when one realizes that there are defense and repair mechanisms to genotoxicity, which must first be saturated before there can be a carcinogenic response.  Hormesis is today an accepted concept that describes a dose-response relationship that shows a benefit at low doses, but harm at high doses.

The toxicology chapter in the Reference Manual has several references to LNT but none to hormesis.  That font of all knowledge, Wikipedia reports that hormesis is controversial, but so is LNT.  This is the sort of imbalance that may well reflect an ideological bias.

One of the leading textbooks on toxicology describes hormesis:

“There is considerable evidence to suggest that some non-nutritional toxic substances may also impart beneficial or stimulatory effects at low doses but that, at higher doses, they produce adverse effects. This concept of “hormesis” was first described for radiation effects but may also pertain to most chemical responses.”

Curtis D. Klaassen, Casarett & Doull’s Toxicology: The Basic Science of Poisons 23 (7th ed. 2008) (internal citations omitted).

Similarly, the Encyclopedia of Toxicology describes hormesis as an important phenomenon in toxicologic science:

“This type of dose–response relationship is observed in a phenomenon known as hormesis, with one explanation being that exposure to small amounts of a material can actually confer resistance to the agent before frank toxicity begins to appear following exposures to larger amounts.  However, analysis of the available mechanistic studies indicates that there is no single hormetic mechanism. In fact, there are numerous ways for biological systems to show hormetic-like biphasic dose–response relationship. Hormetic dose–response has emerged in recent years as a dose–response phenomenon of great interest in toxicology and risk assessment.”

Philip Wexler, Bethesda, et al., eds., 2 Encyclopedia of Toxicology 96 (2005).  One might think that hormesis would also be of great interest to federal judges, but they will not learn about it from reading the Reference Manual.

Hormesis research has come into its own.  The International Dose-Response Society, which “focus[es] on the dose-response in the low-dose zone,” publishes a journal, Dose-Response, and a newsletter, BELLE:  Biological Effects of Low Level Exposure.  In 2009, two leading researchers in the area of hormesis published a collection of important papers:  Mark P. Mattson and Edward J. Calabrese, eds., Hormesis: A Revolution in Biology, Toxicology and Medicine (N.Y. 2009).

A check in PubMed shows that LNT has more “hits” than “hormesis” or “hermetic,” but still the latter phrases exceed 1,267 references, hardly insubstantial.  In actuality, there are many more hermetic relationships identified in the scientific literature, which often fails to identify the relationship by the term hormesis or hermetic.  See Edward J. Calabrese and Robyn B. Blain, “The hormesis database: The occurrence of hormetic dose responses in the toxicological literature,” 61 Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology 73 (2011) (reviewing about 9,000 dose-response relationships for hormesis, to create a database of various aspects of hormesis).  See also Edward J. Calabrese and Robyn B. Blain, “The occurrence of hormetic dose responses in the toxicological literature, the hormesis database: An overview,” 202 Toxicol. & Applied Pharmacol. 289 (2005) (earlier effort to establish hormesis database).

The Reference Manual’s omission of hormesis is regrettable.  Its inclusion of references to LNT but not to hormesis appears to result from an ideological bias.

QUESTIONABLE SUBSTANTIVE OPINIONS

One would hope that the toxicology chapter would not put forward partisan substantive positions on issues that are currently the subject of active litigation.  Fondly we would hope that any substantive position advanced would at least be well documented.

For at least one issue, the toxicology chapter dashes our fondest hopes.  Table 1 in the chapter presents a “Sample of Selected Toxicological End Points and Examples of Agents of Concern in Humans.” No documentation or citations are provided for this table.  Most of the exposure agent/disease outcome relationships in the table are well accepted, but curiously at least one agent-disease pair is the subject of current litigation is wildly off the mark:

Parkinson’s disease and manganese

Reference Manual at 653.  If the chapter’s authors had looked, they would have found that Parkinson’s disease is almost universally accepted to have no known cause, except among a few plaintiffs’ litigation expert witnesses.  They would also have found that the issue has been addressed carefully and the claimed relationship or “concern” has been rejected by the leading researchers in the field (who have no litigation ties).  See, e.g., Karin Wirdefeldt, Hans-Olaf Adami, Philip Cole, Dimitrios Trichopoulos, and Jack Mandel, “Epidemiology and etiology of Parkinson’s disease: a review of the evidence.  26 European J. Epidemiol. S1, S20-21 (2011); Tomas R. Guilarte, “Manganese and Parkinson’s Disease: A Critical Review and New Findings,” 118 Environ Health Perspect. 1071, 1078 (2010) (“The available evidence from human and non­human primate studies using behavioral, neuroimaging, neurochemical, and neuropathological end points provides strong sup­port to the hypothesis that, although excess levels of [manganese] accumulation in the brain results in an atypical form of parkinsonism, this clini­cal outcome is not associated with the degen­eration of nigrostriatal dopaminergic neurons as is the case in PD.”)

WHEN ALL YOU HAVE IS A HAMMER, EVERYTHING LOOKS LIKE A NAIL

The substantive specialist author, Professor Goldstein, is not a physician; nor is he an epidemiologist.  His professional focus on animal and cell research shows, and biases the opinions offered in this chapter.

“In qualitative extrapolation, one can usually rely on the fact that a compound causing an effect in one mammalian species will cause it in another species. This is a basic principle of toxicology and pharmacology.  If a heavy metal, such as mercury, causes kidney toxicity in laboratory animals, it is highly likely to do so at some dose in humans.”

Reference Manual at 646.

Such extrapolations may make sense in regulatory contexts, where precauationary judgments are of interest, but they hardly can be said to be generally accepted in controversies in civil actions over actual causation.  Crystalline silica, for instance, causes something resembling lung cancer in rats, but not in mice, guinea pigs, or hamsters.  It hardly makes sense to ask juries to decide whether the plaintiff is more like a rat than a mouse.

For a sober second opinion to the toxicology chapter, one may consider the views of some well-known authors:

“Whereas the concordance was high between cancer-causing agents initially discovered in humans and positive results in animal studies (Tomatis et al., 1989; Wilbourn et al., 1984), the same could not be said for the reverse relationship: carcinogenic effects in animals frequently lacked concordance with overall patterns in human cancer incidence (Pastoor and Stevens, 2005).”

Hans-Olov Adami, Sir Colin L. Berry, Charles B. Breckenridge, Lewis L. Smith, James A. Swenberg, Dimitrios Trichopoulos, Noel S. Weiss, and Timothy P. Pastoor, “Toxicology and Epidemiology: Improving the Science with a Framework for Combining Toxicological and Epidemiological Evidence to Establish Causal Inference,” 122 Toxciological Sciences 223, 224 (2011).

Once again, there is a sense that the scholarship of the toxicology chapter is not as complete or thorough as we would hope.