Since 1663, the Royal Society has sported the motto:  “Nullius in verba,” on no one’s authority. The motto is a recognition that science, and indeed, all of knowledge turns on data properly collected, analyzed, and interpreted, and not on the prestige or authority of the speaker. In England today, there could be no better example of the disconnect between authority and knowledge than the pronouncements of Crown Prince Charles on science and medicine[1].

Although science should be about the data and methodology, the growing complexity and inaccessibility of modern science has fostered greater reliance upon reputation of researchers as a proxy for the correctness of factual statements. In some quarters, scientists are held up as shamans who are lionized and revered, at least when the scientists are advancing research and conclusions that are politically approved. When the scientists conduct research that threatens politically correct beliefs, then the scientists must be attacked, diminished, and discredited. Because the scientific claims at issue involve evidence and hard thought, the attackers and defenders seem to prefer proceed with ad hominem attacks on the personal standing and credibility of scientists whose work they embrace or distain.

The sad truth is that the persistence of interpreting science by personal charm, credibility, and political correctness of scientists’ personality remains as a legacy of our authority-based approach to knowledge. As a result, we have the spectacle of public intellectuals who complain about the demonization of scientists, while in the next breath, demonize scientists whose work threatens their political and personal preferences[2].

It would be lovely if we could ignore attacks on the personal credibility of researchers, but the sociology of knowledge and science requires us to acknowledge that reputation, prestige, and authority remain as determinants of belief. The more political and personal preferences are involved, and the greater the complexity of the underlying scientific analysis, the more we should expect people, historians, judges, and juries, to ignore the Royal Society’s Nullius in verba,” and to rely upon the largely irrelevant factors of reputation.

We would thus be on a fool’s errand not to pay attention to the social construction of reputation, both in terms of how reputations are created and how they are diminished. I have focused on Irving Selikoff, because he is such a difficult case. For virtually every advance in the scientific understanding of asbestos health effects, Selikoff did not have priority. Sir Richard Doll was ahead of Selikoff by a decade in reporting the epidemiologic association between asbestosis and lung cancer.[3] Christopher Wagner was ahead of Selikoff by several years in describing the association between amphibole asbestos and mesothelioma[4]. And the United States Navy was ahead of Selikoff in terms of detailing the difficulty in controlling confined-space asbestos lagging operations onboard ships, and the consequent asbestosis hazards[5].

Much of Selikoff’s asbestos work that was original was wrong. His advocacy of a connection between asbestos and extrapulmonary cancers, his claim that all asbestos varieties were equivalent in potency for causing mesothelioma, and his risk assessments of total attributable asbestos risks are just some examples of where Selikoff outran his scientific headlights. Still, the United States public owes Selikoff a debt of gratitude for having popularized and disseminated information about asbestos hazards at a crucial time in our history. Although Doll and Wagner had priority with respect to lung cancer and mesothelioma, they both wrote in foreign journals about exposures that were typical in the U.K. and South Africa. And while the Navy’s understanding of its own catastrophic neglect of safety in its shipyards came before Selikoff’s publications, the Navy’s coyness kept its information from being widely disseminated. Selikoff, in his 1964 publication[6], in an American journal, the Journal of the American Medical Association, thus incorporated a good amount of prior learning and showed that asbestos was a problem among asbestos insulators in the United States. At the time, insulators were often thought of as having relatively low-level asbestos exposure. Furthermore, Selikoff used his findings of asbestos-related disease among the union insulators to advance a political goal, the federalization of workplace safety and health regulation. That goal ultimately came to have bipartisan support in the United States, largely as a result of Selikoff’s advocacy.

Selikoff’s legitimate achievements should not be diminished, and historians McCulloch and Tweedale are correct to bemoan the ad hominem attacks on Selikoff, based upon ethnicity and personal characteristics. They are wrong, however, to claim that Selikoff’s training, scientific acumen, advocacy, and false positive claims are somehow off limits. Selikoff’s substantial contributions to public health by publicizing the dangers of high exposure, long-term exposure to exposure do not privilege every position he took.  Selikoff is a difficult case because he was wrong on many issues, and his reputation, authority and prestige ultimately became much greater than the evidence would ultimately support.

The labor historians and anti-asbestos zeolots are right to bristle and emote when historians and others challenge the reputation of Irving Selikoff. Like Rachel Carson and Wilhelm Heuper, Selikoff is one of the icons of the environmental and occupational safety movement. Environmentalists, labor leaders, and left-leaning politicians, have invested heavily in Selikoff’s reputation and authority to support legislation and regulations. Given Selikoff’s reputation and prestige in the field of asbestos health effects, and his role in helping pass the Williams-Steiger Act of 1969, we might wonder why no one has written a full-length biography. There are some hagiographic articles to be sure, but a full-length biography would raise questions not politely answerable.

Selikoff the Testifier

Selikoff may have been a media plodder in the mid-1950s, but his experience as a testifying witness made him particularly effective in advancing his advocacy on behalf of the asbestos and other unions in the 1960s and forward. See “Medical Horizons,” Broadcasting * Telecasting at 14 (Nov. 21, 1955) (describing Selikoff as a plodding presenter). Those who would lionize Selikoff, and privilege his claims from evidence-based scrutiny, are embarrassed by his frequent testifying. They are, however, wrong to distort Selikoff’s record of participating in the litigation process. He had an obligation to do so, to some extent. Many physicians gladly would avoid the courtroom confrontations that Dr. Selikoff undertook. Despite these feelings, physicians have an ethical obligation, by virtue of their special training and experience, to assist in the administration of justice[7]. Indeed, the Board of Trustees of the American Medical Association has recommended that the presentation of expert testimony should be considered part of the practice of medicine and thus subject to peer review[8]. Ultimately, the courtroom testimony should be judged for the validity of its conclusions just as any other scientific opinion would be.

Of course, frequent testifying can be undertaken for venal or political purposes, and the reputation makers behind Selikoff have been keen to protect him from charges of being a “frequent testifier.” Much of protection probably took place because Selikoff’s testifying took place in the past before electronic files of transcripts could circulate rapidly, and even minor cases were posted to internet databases. Thus, Judge Jack Weinstein, writing after the death of Dr. Selikoff, could incorrectly describe him as an “independent” scientist, who should not be coerced to testify when he preferred to publish his “results only in scientific journals.” Jack B. Weinstein, Individual Justice in Mass Tort Litigation:  The Effect of Class Actions, Consolidations, and other Multi-Party Devices 117 (1995).

Judge Weinstein was clearly wrong in his assessment that Selikoff preferred scholarly journals to the courtroom, but his assessment reflects the influence of the reputation that Selikoff and his followers worked so hard to create. Of course, Judge Weinstein was also wrong to suggest that Selikoff was “independent.” He had deep ties to unions, the plaintiffs’ bar, a cadre of plaintiffs’ expert witnesses, and to positions to which all these groups subscribed. The greatest art is that which conceals itself[9].

Selikoff’s participation in litigation proceedings has thus become a debating point between those who would acclaim and those who would detract from Selikoff’s reputation. Oxford University historian Peter Bartrip, for one, noted that Selikoff had testified frequently. Peter W.J. Bartrip, Beyond the Factory Gates: Asbestos and Health in Twentieth Century America 77 & n.4 (2006); Peter W.J. Bartrip, “Irving John Selikoff and the Strange Case of the Missing Medical Degrees,” 58 J. History Med. 3, 27 & n.88-92 (2003). Bartrip’s history has in turn been attacked by the Lobby of anti-asbestos zealots. Marxist historians Jock McCulloch and Geoffrey Tweedale, and others, have attacked Bartrip for serving as an apologist for industry, and have suggested, in their publications, that Selikoff testified infrequently:=

“[Selikoff] gave testimony in two of the early landmark legal cases, but thereafter avoided the drama of the courtroom and the role of the expert witness, not only because it would have been a drain on his time and made his confidential trade union medical files open to legal scrutiny, but also because he felt that antagonizing industry would not help his broader agenda.”

Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, Defending the Indefensible : The Global Asbestos Industry and its Fight for Survival: The Global Asbestos Industry and its Fight for Survival 95 & n.36 (2008).

Two and only two; or two and then some? What was McCulloch and Tweedale’s source? They cite a personal communication from one of Selikoff’s protégés and acolytes, Dr. Stephen Levin, who testified frequently on behalf of asbestos claimants in litigation, and who no doubt shared the authors’ desire to protect and enhance Dr. Selikoff’s reputation. Perhaps more interesting is Levin’s revelation that Selikoff wished to hide his “confidential” union files from scrutiny. See “The Selikoff – Castleman Conspiracy” (Mar. 13, 2011) (describing memorandum, dated November 5, 1979, from plaintiffs’ expert witness Barry Castleman to Selikoff urging resistance to lawful discovery attempts to obtain information about asbestos workers union).

Well, who is right? Did Selikoff testify frequently or not? On this point, McCulloch and Tweedale appear to be demonstrably wrong. I have previously pointed out some of Selikoff’s testimonial adventures[10]. See “Selikoff and the Mystery of the Disappearing Testimony” (Dec. 3, 2010).

There are other instances, however, of Selikoff’s medico-legal activities. According to Jon Gelman, a worker’s compensation lawyer in New Jersey, his father, also a New Jersey lawyer, employed Dr. Selikoff, in the early 1950s, as an expert witness in the “original 17” UNARCO (Union Asbestos and Rubber Co.) asbestos worker claims.  Gelman reports that these claims were successfully litigated with Selikoff’s examinations and services, in front of the New Jersey Division of Workers’ Compensation.  Jon L. Gelman, “Dr. Yasunosuke Suzuki, A Pioneer of Mesothelioma Medical Research” (Nov. 23, 2011); Jon L. Gelman, History of Asbestos and the Law (Jan. 02, 2001). See also Michael Nevins, Meanderings in New Jersey’s Medical History 146-47 (2011). Unfortunately, the reports and transcripts of the UNARCO 17 cases are not available.

For about two decades after the UNARCO 17,  Selikoff went on to have an active testimonial career, always testifying for the claimant, and against the employer or the supplier. In 1972, Andrew Haas, President of the asbestos workers union thanked Selikoff for his “frequent” expert witness testimony on behalf of union members. Andrew Haas, Comments from the General President, 18 Asbestos Worker (Nov. 1972)[11].

In addition to the cases cited in the footnotes, Selikoff testified or was involved as an expert witness in other cases. See, e.g., Babcock & Wilcox, Inc. v. Steiner, 258 Md. 468, 471, 265 A.2d 871 (1970) (affirming workman compensation award for asbestosis); Culp Industrial Insulation v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Workmen’s Compensation Appeal Board, 57 Pa. Commonwealth Ct. 599, 601-602 (1981). One of the earliest reported decisions in which Selikoff testified as a party expert witness was in a federal court admiralty case, in which a seaman sued the ship owner for injuries allegedly sustained as a result of a slip and fall accident. No pulmonary injury was involved. Barros v. United States, 147 F.Supp. 340, 343-44 (E.D.N.Y. 1957) (noting that Dr. Selikoff testified for seaman suing for maintenance and cure as a result of a slip and fall; finding for respondent against libelant).

Perhaps the most egregious testimonial adventure was Selikoff’s serving as an expert witness, in 1966, for a union worker who claimed that his colon cancer had been caused by asbestos. What was remarkable about this testimony was not that it was for the worker; Selikoff’s testimony seemed always to be for the claimant. What stands out is how weak and unreliable any scientific claim for colon cancer would have been in 1966 (and after for that matter). Despite the insufficiency of the evidence, and the dubious validity of the early study relied upon, Selikoff’s participation helped obtain a favorable outcome, which led to the asbestos union’s praise for his efforts:

“The research into health hazards of insulation workers developed by the members of Local No. 12 and Local No. 32 has resulted in widening the basis of compensation claims in New York State.

Until now, the courts have been reluctant to accept many of the conditions to which insulation workers are prone, as related to employment. However, facts produced during the research investigations of Dr. 1. J. Selikoff, Dr. J. Churg, and Dr. E. Cuvler Hammond of the Environmental Sciences Laboratory of the Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York are resulting in a changing of this picture.

A recent decision has widened the range of compensable diseases for insulation workers even further. A member of Local No. 12. unfortunately died of a cancer of the colon. Dr. Selikoff reported to the compensation court that his research showed that these cancers of the intestine were at least three times as common among the insulation workers as in men of the same age in the general population.

Based upon Dr. Selikoff’s testimony, the Referee gave the family a compensation award, holding that the exposure to many dusts during employment was responsible for the cancer. The insurance company appealed this decision. A special panel of the reviewed the matter and agreed with the Referee’s judgement and affirmed the compensation award. This was the first case in which a cancer of the colon was established as compensable and it is likely that this case will become an historical precedent.”

“Health Hazard Progress Notes: Compensation Advance Made in New York State,” 16(5) Asbestos Worker 13 (May 1966). See Viskovich v. Robert A. Keasbey Co., 36 A.D.2d 665 (3d Dep’t 1971)(affirming decision of the Compensation Board in awarding an asbestos insulator benefits for colon cancer; Selikoff’s case or perhaps a subsequent claim). Historians will search long, hard, and unsuccessfully for any disclosure of Selikoff’s consultancies or his testimonies on the issue of asbestos and colorectal cancer in any of his publications on the issue, or any other asbestos issue.

Even after Selikoff stopped participating directly in the litigation process, he continued his interest in the outcome of litigation. This interest was both intellectual and practical. For instance, at the fall meeting of the Medical History Society of New Jersey, Selikoff gave a presentation on “Nellie Keershaws [sic] and Frederick Legrand,” two of the bellwether asbestos litigants, in the U.K., and the U.S., respectively. Irving J. Selikoff, “Nellie Keershaws and Frederick Legrand,” at Fall Meeting, UMDNJ-New Jersey Medical School, Newark, N.J. (Saturday, Oct. 8, 1988). See 9(1) MHSNJ Newsletter (Jan. 1989).

Nellie Kershaw was diagnosed with asbestosis in the early 1920s, but her employer, Turner Brothers Asbestos, refused to pay her compensation for disability and her ultimate death. The investigation into her death gave rise to the first set of Asbestos Industry Regulations, in the United Kingdom, in 1931. Frederick LeGrande was one of the first plaintiffs in a civil action against Johns-Manville, for asbestos-related disease. Frederick LeGrande v. Johns-Manville Prods. Corp., No. 741-57 (D.N.J. filed in 1957, by William L. Brach, attorney for plaintiff).

As McCulloch and Tweedale note, Selikoff became too politically vulnerable to continue his direct participation in litigation, but he did not cease his involvement altogether. After asbestos litigation went viral in the late 1970s, Selikoff encouraged his juniors at Mt. Sinai Hospital to testify on behalf of union members and other asbestos claimants. The roster of physicians who trained at Mt. Sinai, in Selikoff’s department, read like a “Who’s Who” of asbestos plaintiffs’ expert witnesses[12]. Indeed, Selikoff trained a generation of testifying expert witnesses for the plaintiffs’ bar.

Another measure of Selikoff’s influence in the litigation arena was his attempt to influence the litigation process by conducting an ex parte seminar for key judges, with responsibility for important cases or large dockets. Plaintiffs’ lawyers, with the collaboration of Selikoff’s protégés as their “expert witnesses,” persuaded school districts and property owners that they should sue for the costs of asbestos removal and abatement. Selikoff and his acolytes then called a meeting, “The Third Wave conference,” to reflect their concern about the alleged danger of asbestos in place. Philip J. Landrigan & H. Kazemi, eds. “The Third Wave of Asbestos Disease: Exposure to Asbestos in Place – Public Health Control,” 643 Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. (1991). Under cover of support from the Collegium Ramazzini, and with the active support and participation of organized labor and plaintiffs’ asbestos bar, Selikoff invited judges to what was clearly a lopsided medical conference, dominated by his acolytes and plaintiffs’ expert witnesses in the very cases in which the invited judges presided. The corrupt affair led to the disqualification of Judge James McGirr Kelly, who attended the conference. In re School Asbestos Litigation, 977 F.2d 764 (3d Cir. 1992); see Cathleen M. Devlin, “Disqualification of Federal Judges – Third Circuit Orders District Judge James McGirr Kelly to Disqualify Himself so as to Preserve the Appearance of Justice under 28 U.S.C.§ 455,” 38 Vill. L. Rev. 1219 (1993); W.K.C. Morgan, “Asbestos and cancer: history and public policy,” 49 Br. J. Indus. Med. 451, 451 (1992); see also “Historians Should Verify Not Vilify or Abilify – The Difficult Case of Irving Selikoff” (Jan. 4, 2014).

Perhaps even more interesting than the public corruption is the scientific corruption that took place at the Third Wave Conference. McCulloch and Tweedale report that one scientist who attended, Dr. Bruce Case, was so upset about the nonsense spouted at the Conference that he wrote an angry letter to one of the leaders in occupational pulmonary medicine, Dr. J. Bernard L. Gee., to report that the conference was “a stage-managed piece of Broadway theater[13].” The controversy led to Julian Peto’s review of the Third Wave Conference papers, and writing to the President of Mt. Sinai Hospital Center to register his observation that many of the conference papers were scientifically “dubious” and systematically biased in favor of exaggerating the risks of asbestos in place[14].

McCulloch and Tweedale attempt to defend this (indefensible) incident in the history of asbestos litigation by claiming that Selikoff and his “team” of acolytes had not been invited to an earlier conference at Harvard, on the issue of asbestos property damage. Health Effects Institute, Asbestos in Public and Commercial Buildings: A Literature Review and Synthesis of Current Knowledge (1991); Jacqueline Karn Corn, Environmental Public Health Policy for Asbestos in Schools: Unintended Consequences at 115-16 (1999). Their complaint does not ring true, however. The so-called Harvard conference had the participation of a large group of independent experts[15] as well as some scientists from the inner sanctum of Mt. Sinai[16]. The world of science ultimately has not been kind to the Selikoff view of asbestos in place[17].

Historical perspective is much needed in considering Selikoff and his contributions, both good and bad. Even after his death, Selikoff remains an important player in the passion play of the American asbestos litigation and regulation[18], and any biographer who steps up to the task will have to confront all aspects of Selikoff’s long career, both scientific advances and missteps.

[1] See Steven Novella, “Prince Charles Alternative Medicine Charity Closes” Science-Based Medicine (May 16, 2012); Laura Donnelly, “Prince Charles makes plea on alternative medicine: Prince of Wales calls for alternative medicine to be treated fairly and for regulation to govern its use,” The Telegraph (Jan. 19, 2014).

[2] Compare Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, “Shooting the messenger: the vilification of Irving J. Selikoff,” 37 Internat’l J. Health Services 619, 619 (2007) (complaining that some historians have “demonized” Dr. Irving Selikoff as “a media zealot”); Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, “Science is not sufficient: Irving J. Selikoff and the asbestos tragedy,” 17 New Solutions 292 (2007); Jock McCulloch and Geoffrey Tweedale, Defending The Indefensible: The Global Asbestos Industry and its Fight for Survival (2008), with Geoffrey Tweedale, “Hero or Villain?—Sir Richard Doll and Occupational Cancer” 13 Internat’l J. Occup. Envt’l Health 233 (2007) (demonizing Sir Richard Doll for his affiliations and consultancies in the field of occupational cancer).

[3] Richard Doll, “Mortality from Lung Cancer in Asbestos Workers,”  12 Br. J. Indus. Med. 81 (1955).

[4] See J. Christopher Wagner, C.A. Sleggs, and Paul Marchand, “Diffuse pleural mesothelioma and asbestos exposure in the North Western Cape Province,” 17 Br. J. Indus. Med. 260 (1960); J. Christopher Wagner, “The discovery of the association between blue asbestos and mesotheliomas and the aftermath,” 48 Br. J. Indus. Med. 399 (1991).

[5] Capt. H.M. Robbins & William T. Marr, “Asbestosis,” 19 Safety Review 10 (1962) (noting that asbestos dust counts of 200 million particles per cubic foot were not uncommon during insulation ripouts onboard naval vessels, and the existence of asbestosis cases among workers).

[6] Irving J. Selikoff, Jacob Churg & E. Cuyler Hammond, “Asbestos Exposure and Neoplasia,” 188 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 22 (1964)

[7] American Medical Association Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs Current Opinion 9.07 on Medical Testimony (1989); Council of Medical Specialty Societies, Statement on Qualifications and Guidelines for the Physician Expert Witness, (Approved March 20,1989); American College of Physicians, Guidelines for the Physician Expert Witness. Ann Intern Med 113:789, 1990; Ethics Committee, American College of Chest Physicians Guidelines for an Expert Witness. Chest 98:1006 (1990).

[8] AMA Board of Trustees, Proceedings: House of Delegates 149-154 (June 18-22,1989). See generally Nathan Schachtman & Cynthia Rhodes, “Medico-Legal Issues in Occupational Lung Disease Litigation,” 27 Seminars in Roentgenology 140 (1992).

[9] Quintilian, IV Institutio Oratoria 1.57 (“But to avoid all display of art in itself requires consummate art.”)

[10] Bradshaw v. Twin City Insulation Co. Ltd., Industrial Court of Indiana, Claim No. O.D.1454 (Oct. 14, 1966); Bradshaw v. Johns-Manville Sales Corp., E. D. Michigan Southern Division, Civ. Action No. 29433 (July 6, 1967); Bambrick v. Asten Hill Mfg. Co., Pa. Commonwealth Ct. 664 (1972); Tomplait v. Combustion Engineering Inc.., E. D. Tex. Civ. Action No. 5402 (March 4, 1968); Rogers v. Johns-Manville Products Corp., Cir. Ct. Mo., 16th Jud. Cir., Div. 9, Civ. Action No. 720,071 (Feb. 19, 1971); Utter v. Asten-Hill Mfg. Co., 453 Pa. 401 (1973); Karjala v Johns-Manville Products Corp., D. Minn., Civ. Action Nos. 5–71 Civ. 18, and Civ. 40 (Feb. 8, 1973).

Selikoff also participated as a testifying witness for the government, in the Reserve Mining case. See United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 56 F.R.D. 408 (D. Minn.1972); Armco Steel Corp. v. United States, 490 F.2d 688 (8th Cir. 1974); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 380 F.Supp. 11 (D. Minn.1974); Reserve Mining Co. v. United States, 498 F.2d 1073 (8th Cir. 1974); Minnesota v. Reserve Mining Co., 418 U.S. 911 (1974); Minnesota v. Reserve Mining Co., 419 U.S. 802 (1974); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 394 F.Supp. 233 (D.Minn.1974); Reserve Mining Co. v. Environmental Protection Agency, 514 F.2d 492 (8th Cir. 1975); Reserve Mining Co. v. Lord, 529 F.2d 181 (8th Cir. 1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 408 F.Supp. 1212 (D. Minn.1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 412 F.Supp. 705 (D.Minn.1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 417 F.Supp. 789 (D. Minn.1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 417 F.Supp. 791 (D.Minn.1976); 543 F.2d 1210 (1976).

[11] See Peter W.J. Bartrip, “Irving John Selikoff and the Strange Case of the Missing Medical Degrees,” 58 J. History Med. 3, 27 & n.88-92 (2003) (citing Haas).

[12] Ruth Lilis, Albert Miller, Yasunosuke Suzuki, William Nicholson, Arthur Frank, Henry Anderson, Stephen Levin, Steven Markowitz, Jacqueline Moline, Susan Daum, et al.

[13] Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, “Shooting the messenger: the vilification of Irving J. Selikoff,” 37 Internat’l J. Health Services 619, 626 & n.33 (2007).

[14] Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, “Shooting the messenger: the vilification of Irving J. Selikoff,” 37 Internat’l J. Health Services 619, 626 & n34 (2007) (citing letter from Prof. Julian Peto to Dr. Thomas Chalmers, Mount Sinai Medical Center, June 28, 1990, from the Selikoff Archive, at Mount Sinai Hospital, NY).

[15] Arthur C. Upton, Jonathan Samet, Margaret R. Becklake, John M.G. Davis, David G. Hoel (of the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences) Morton Lippmann, Gordon Gamsu, and Julian Peto

[16] William J. Nicholson and Arthur Langer, although Dr. Langer had by this time left Mt. Sinai.

[17] See, e.g., Philip H. Abelson, “The Asbestos Removal Fiasco,” 247 Science 1017 (1990).

[18] See Department of Labor, Occupational Safety and Health Administration, Final Rule re Docket No. H-033-dl Occupational Exposure to Asbestos, Tremolite, Anthophyllite and Actinolite, 29 C.F.R. Parts 1910 and 1926, 57 Fed. Reg 24310 (June 8, 1992) (rejecting Selikoff’s and the Lobby’s attempt to have cleavage fragments regulated as though they were fibers).