TORTINI

For your delectation and delight, desultory dicta on the law of delicts.

Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence – 3rd Edition is Past Its Expiry

October 17th, 2021

INTRODUCTION

The new, third edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence was released to the public in September 2011, as a joint production of the National Academies of Science, and the Federal Judicial Center. Within a year of its publication, I wrote that the Manual needed attention on several key issues. Now that there is a committee working on the fourth edition, I am reprising the critique, slightly modified, in the hope that it may make a difference for the fourth edition.

The Development Committee for the third edition included Co-Chairs, Professor Jerome Kassirer, of Tufts University School of Medicine, and the Hon. Gladys Kessler, who sits on the District Court for the District of Columbia.  The members of the Development Committee included:

  • Ming W. Chin, Associate Justice, The Supreme Court of California
  • Pauline Newman, Judge, Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit
  • Kathleen O’Malley, Judge, Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit (formerly a district judge on the Northern District of Ohio)
  • Jed S. Rakoff, Judge, Southern District of New York
  • Channing Robertson, Professor of Engineering, Stanford University
  • Joseph V. Rodricks, Principal, Environ
  • Allen Wilcox, Senior Investigator, Institute of Environmental Health Sciences
  • Sandy L. Zabell, Professor of Statistics and Mathematics, Weinberg College of Arts and Sciences, Northwestern University

Joe S. Cecil, Project Director, Program on Scientific and Technical Evidence, in the Federal Judicial Center’s Division of Research, who shepherded the first two editions, served as consultant to the Committee.

With over 1,000 pages, there was much to digest in the third edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (RMSE 3d).  Much of what is covered was solid information on the individual scientific and technical disciplines covered.  Although the information is easily available from other sources, there is some value in collecting the material in a single volume for the convenience of judges and lawyers.  Of course, given that this information is provided to judges from an ostensibly neutral, credible source, lawyers will naturally focus on what is doubtful or controversial in the RMSE. To date, there have been only a few reviews and acknowledgments of the new edition.[1]

Like previous editions, the substantive scientific areas were covered in discrete chapters, written by subject matter specialists, often along with a lawyer who addresses the legal implications and judicial treatment of that subject matter.  From my perspective, the chapters on statistics, epidemiology, and toxicology were the most important in my practice and in teaching, and I have focused on issues raised by these chapters.

The strengths of the chapter on statistical evidence, updated from the second edition, remained, as did some of the strengths and flaws of the chapter on epidemiology.  In addition, there was a good deal of overlap among the chapters on statistics, epidemiology, and medical testimony.  This overlap was at first blush troubling because the RMSE has the potential to confuse and obscure issues by having multiple authors address them inconsistently.  This is an area where reviewers of the upcoming edition should pay close attention.

I. Reference Manual’s Disregard of Study Validity in Favor of the “Whole Tsumish”

There was a deep discordance among the chapters in the third Reference Manual as to how judges should approach scientific gatekeeping issues. The third edition vacillated between encouraging judges to look at scientific validity, and discouraging them from any meaningful analysis by emphasizing inaccurate proxies for validity, such as conflicts of interest.[2]

The Third Edition featured an updated version of the late Professor Margaret Berger’s chapter from the second edition, “The Admissibility of Expert Testimony.”[3]  Berger’s chapter criticized “atomization,” a process she describes pejoratively as a “slicing-and-dicing” approach.[4]  Drawing on the publications of Daubert-critic Susan Haack, Berger rejected the notion that courts should examine the reliability of each study independently.[5]  Berger contended that the “proper” scientific method, as evidenced by works of the International Agency for Research on Cancer, the Institute of Medicine, the National Institute of Health, the National Research Council, and the National Institute for Environmental Health Sciences, “is to consider all the relevant available scientific evidence, taken as a whole, to determine which conclusion or hypothesis regarding a causal claim is best supported by the body of evidence.”[6]

Berger’s contention, however, was profoundly misleading.  Of course, scientists undertaking a systematic review should identify all the relevant studies, but some of the “relevant” studies may well be insufficiently reliable (because of internal or external validity issues) to answer the research question at hand. All the cited agencies, and other research organizations and researchers, exclude studies that are fundamentally flawed, whether as a result of bias, confounding, erroneous data analyses, or related problems.  Berger cited no support for her remarkable suggestion that scientists do not make “reliability” judgments about available studies when assessing the “totality of the evidence.”

Professor Berger, who had a distinguished career as a law professor and evidence scholar, died in November 2010.  She was no friend of Daubert,[7] but remarkably her antipathy had outlived her.  Berger’s critical discussion of “atomization” cited the notorious decision in Milward v. Acuity Specialty Products Group, Inc., 639 F.3d 11, 26 (1st Cir. 2011), which was decided four months after her passing.[8]

Professor Berger’s contention about the need to avoid assessments of individual studies in favor of the whole “tsumish” must also be rejected because Federal Rule of Evidence 703 requires that each study considered by an expert witness “qualify” for reasonable reliance by virtue of the study’s containing facts or data that are “of a type reasonably relied upon by experts in the particular field forming opinions or inferences upon the subject.”  One of the deeply troubling aspects of the Milward decision is that it reversed the trial court’s sensible decision to exclude a toxicologist, Dr. Martyn Smith, who outran his headlights on issues having to do with a field in which he was clearly inexperienced – epidemiology.

Scientific studies, and especially epidemiologic studies, involve multiple levels of hearsay.  A typical epidemiologic study may contain hearsay leaps from patient to clinician, to laboratory technicians, to specialists interpreting test results, back to the clinician for a diagnosis, to a nosologist for disease coding, to a national or hospital database, to a researcher querying the database, to a statistician analyzing the data, to a manuscript that details data, analyses, and results, to editors and peer reviewers, back to study authors, and on to publication.  Those leaps do not mean that the final results are untrustworthy, only that the study itself is not likely admissible in evidence.

The inadmissibility of scientific studies is not problematic because Rule 703 permits testifying expert witnesses to formulate opinions based upon facts and data, which are not independently admissible in evidence. The distinction between relied upon and admissible studies is codified in the Federal Rules of Evidence, and in virtually every state’s evidence law.

Referring to studies, without qualification, as admissible in themselves is usually wrong as a matter of evidence law.  The error has the potential to encourage carelessness in gatekeeping expert witnesses’ opinions for their reliance upon inadmissible studies.  The error is doubly wrong if this approach to expert witness gatekeeping is taken as license to permit expert witnesses to rely upon any marginally relevant study of their choosing.  It is therefore disconcerting that the RMSE 3d failed to make the appropriate distinction between admissibility of studies and admissibility of expert witness opinion that has reasonably relied upon appropriate studies.

Consider the following statement from the chapter on epidemiology:

“An epidemiologic study that is sufficiently rigorous to justify a conclusion that it is scientifically valid should be admissible, as it tends to make an issue in dispute more or less likely.”[9]

Curiously, the advice from the authors of the epidemiology chapter, by speaking to a single study’s validity, was at odds with Professor Berger’s caution against slicing and dicing. The authors of the epidemiology chapter seemed to be stressing that scientifically valid studies should be admissible.  Their footnote emphasized and confused the point:

See DeLuca v. Merrell Dow Pharms., Inc., 911 F.2d 941, 958 (3d Cir. 1990); cf. Kehm v. Procter & Gamble Co., 580 F. Supp. 890, 902 (N.D. Iowa 1982) (“These [epidemiologic] studies were highly probative on the issue of causation—they all concluded that an association between tampon use and menstrually related TSS [toxic shock syndrome] cases exists.”), aff’d, 724 F.2d 613 (8th Cir. 1984). Hearsay concerns may limit the independent admissibility of the study, but the study could be relied on by an expert in forming an opinion and may be admissible pursuant to Fed. R. Evid. 703 as part of the underlying facts or data relied on by the expert. In Ellis v. International Playtex, Inc., 745 F.2d 292, 303 (4th Cir. 1984), the court concluded that certain epidemiologic studies were admissible despite criticism of the methodology used in the studies. The court held that the claims of bias went to the studies’ weight rather than their admissibility. Cf. Christophersen v. Allied-Signal Corp., 939 F.2d 1106, 1109 (5th Cir. 1991) (“As a general rule, questions relating to the bases and sources of an expert’s opinion affect the weight to be assigned that opinion rather than its admissibility. . . .”).”[10]

This footnote, however, that studies relied upon by an expert in forming an opinion may be admissible pursuant to Rule 703, was unsupported by and contrary to Rule 703 and the overwhelming weight of case law interpreting and applying the rule.[11] The citation to a pre-Daubert decision, Christophersen, was doubtful as a legal argument, and managed to engender much confusion

Furthermore, Kehm and Ellis, the cases cited in this footnote by the authors of the epidemiology chapter, both involved “factual findings” in public investigative or evaluative reports, which were independently admissible under Federal Rule of Evidence 803(8)(C). See Ellis, 745 F.2d at 299-303; Kehm, 724 F.2d at 617-18.  As such, the cases hardly support the chapter’s suggestion that Rule 703 is a rule of admissibility for epidemiologic studies.

Here the RMSE 3d, in one sentence, confused Rule 703 with an exception to the rule against hearsay, which would prevent the statistically based epidemiologic studies from being received in evidence.  The point is reasonably clear, however, that the studies “may be offered” in testimony to explain an expert witness’s opinion. Under Rule 705, that offer may also be refused. The offer, however, is to “explain,” not to have the studies admitted in evidence.  The RMSE 3d was certainly not alone in advancing this notion that studies are themselves admissible.  Other well-respected evidence scholars have lapsed into this error.[12]

Evidence scholars should not conflate admissibility of the epidemiologic (or other) studies with the ability of an expert witness to advert to a study to explain his or her opinion.  The testifying expert witness really should not be allowed to become a conduit for off-hand comments and opinions in the introduction or discussion section of relied upon articles, and the wholesale admission of such hearsay opinions undermines the trial court’s control over opinion evidence.  Rule 703 authorizes reasonable reliance upon “facts and data,” not every opinion that creeps into the published literature.

II. Toxicology for Judges

The toxicology chapter, “Reference Guide on Toxicology,” in RMSE 3d was written by Professor Bernard D. Goldstein, of the University of Pittsburgh Graduate School of Public Health, and Mary Sue Henifin, a partner in the Princeton, New Jersey office of Buchanan Ingersoll, P.C.

  1. Conflicts of Interest

At the question and answer session of the Reference Manual’s public release ceremony, in September 2011, one gentleman rose to note that some of the authors were lawyers with big firm affiliations, which he supposed must mean that they represent mostly defendants.  Based upon his premise, he asked what the review committee had done to ensure that conflicts of interest did not skew or distort the discussions in the affected chapters.  Dr. Kassirer and Judge Kessler responded by pointing out that the chapters were peer reviewed by outside reviewers, and reviewed by members of the supervising review committee.  The questioner seemed reassured, but now that I have looked at the toxicology chapter, I am not so sure.

The questioner’s premise that a member of a large firm will represent mostly defendants and thus have a pro-defense bias was probably a common perception among unsophisticated lay observers.  For instance, some large firms represent insurance companies intent upon denying coverage to product manufacturers.  These counsel for insurance companies often take the plaintiffs’ side of the underlying disputed issue in order to claim an exclusion to the contract of insurance, under a claim that the harm was “expected or intended.”  Similarly, the common perception ignores the reality of lawyers’ true conflict:  although gatekeeping helps the defense lawyers’ clients, it takes away legal work from firms that represent defendants in the litigations that are pretermitted by effective judicial gatekeeping.  Erosion of gatekeeping concepts, however, inures to the benefit of plaintiffs, their counsel, as well as the expert witnesses engaged on behalf of plaintiffs in litigation.

The questioner’s supposition in the case of the toxicology chapter, however, is doubly flawed.  If he had known more about the authors, he would probably not have asked his question.  First, the lawyer author, Ms. Henifin, despite her large firm affiliation, has taken some aggressive positions contrary to the interests of manufacturers.[13]  As for the scientist author of the toxicology chapter, Professor Goldstein, the casual reader of the chapter may want to know that he has testified in any number of toxic tort cases, almost invariably on the plaintiffs’ side.  Unlike the defense lawyer, who loses business revenue, when courts shut down unreliable claims, plaintiffs’ testifying or consulting expert witnesses stand to gain by minimalist expert witness opinion gatekeeping.  Given the economic asymmetries, the reader must thus want to know that Professor Goldstein was excluded as an expert witness in some high-profile toxic tort cases.[14]  There do not appear to be any disclosures of Professor Goldstein’s (or any other scientist author’s) conflicts of interests in RMSE 3d.  Having pointed out this conflict, I would note that financial conflicts of interest are nothing really compared with ideological conflicts of interest, which often propel scientists into service as expert witnesses to advance their political agenda.

  1. Hormesis

One way that ideological conflicts might be revealed is to look for imbalances in the presentation of toxicologic concepts.  Most lawyers who litigate cases that involve exposure-response issues are familiar with the “linear no threshold” (LNT) concept that is used frequently in regulatory risk assessments, and which has metastasized to toxic tort litigation, where LNT often has no proper place.

LNT is a dubious assumption because it claims to “know” the dose response at very low exposure levels in the absence of data.  There is a thin plausibility for LNT for genotoxic chemicals claimed to be carcinogens, but even that plausibility evaporates when one realizes that there are DNA defense and repair mechanisms to genotoxicity, which must first be saturated, overwhelmed, or inhibited, before there can be a carcinogenic response. The upshot is that low exposures that do not swamp DNA repair and tumor suppression proteins will not cause cancer.

Hormesis is today an accepted concept that describes a dose-response relationship that shows a benefit at low doses, but harm at high doses. The toxicology chapter in the Reference Manual has several references to LNT but none to hormesis.  That font of all knowledge, Wikipedia reports that hormesis is controversial, but so is LNT.  This is the sort of imbalance that may well reflect an ideological bias.

One of the leading textbooks on toxicology describes hormesis[15]:

“There is considerable evidence to suggest that some non-nutritional toxic substances may also impart beneficial or stimulatory effects at low doses but that, at higher doses, they produce adverse effects. This concept of “hormesis” was first described for radiation effects but may also pertain to most chemical responses.”

Similarly, the Encyclopedia of Toxicology describes hormesis as an important phenomenon in toxicologic science[16]:

“This type of dose–response relationship is observed in a phenomenon known as hormesis, with one explanation being that exposure to small amounts of a material can actually confer resistance to the agent before frank toxicity begins to appear following exposures to larger amounts.  However, analysis of the available mechanistic studies indicates that there is no single hormetic mechanism. In fact, there are numerous ways for biological systems to show hormetic-like biphasic dose–response relationship. Hormetic dose–response has emerged in recent years as a dose–response phenomenon of great interest in toxicology and risk assessment.”

One might think that hormesis would also be of great interest to federal judges, but they will not learn about it from reading the Reference Manual.

Hormesis research has come into its own.  The International Dose-Response Society, which “focus[es] on the dose-response in the low-dose zone,” publishes a journal, Dose-Response, and a newsletter, BELLE:  Biological Effects of Low Level Exposure.  In 2009, two leading researchers in the area of hormesis published a collection of important papers:  Mark P. Mattson and Edward J. Calabrese, eds., Hormesis: A Revolution in Biology, Toxicology and Medicine (2009).

A check in PubMed shows that LNT has more “hits” than “hormesis” or “hermetic,” but still the latter phrases exceed 1,267 references, hardly insubstantial.  In actuality, there are many more hermetic relationships identified in the scientific literature, which often fails to identify the relationship by the term hormesis or hermetic.[17]

The Reference Manual’s omission of hormesis was regrettable.  Its inclusion of references to LNT but not to hormesis suggests a biased treatment of the subject.

  1. Questionable Substantive Opinions

Readers and litigants would fondly hope that the toxicology chapter would not put forward partisan substantive positions on issues that are currently the subject of active litigation.  Fervently, we would hope that any substantive position advanced would at least be well documented.

For at least one issue, the toxicology chapter disappointed significantly.  Table 1 in the chapter presents a “Sample of Selected Toxicological End Points and Examples of Agents of Concern in Humans.” No documentation or citations are provided for this table.  Most of the exposure agent/disease outcome relationships in the table are well accepted, but curiously at least one agent-disease pair, which is the subject of current litigation, is wildly off the mark:

“Parkinson’s disease and manganese[18]

If the chapter’s authors had looked, they would have found that Parkinson’s disease is almost universally accepted to have no known cause, at least outside court rooms.  They would also have found that the issue has been addressed carefully and the claimed relationship or “concern” has been rejected by the leading researchers in the field (who have no litigation ties).[19]  Table 1 suggests a certain lack of objectivity, and its inclusion of a highly controversial relationship, manganese-Parkinson’s disease, suggests a good deal of partisanship.

  1. When All You Have Is a Hammer, Everything Looks Like a Nail

The substantive area author, Professor Goldstein, is not a physician; nor is he an epidemiologist.  His professional focus on animal and cell research appeared to color and bias the opinions offered in this chapter:[20]

“In qualitative extrapolation, one can usually rely on the fact that a compound causing an effect in one mammalian species will cause it in another species. This is a basic principle of toxicology and pharmacology.  If a heavy metal, such as mercury, causes kidney toxicity in laboratory animals, it is highly likely to do so at some dose in humans.”

Such extrapolations may make sense in regulatory contexts, where precauationary judgments are of interest, but they hardly can be said to be generally accepted in controversies in scientific communities, or in civil actions over actual causation.  There are too many counterexamples to cite, but consider crystalline silica, silicon dioxide.  Silica causes something resembling lung cancer in rats, but not in mice, guinea pigs, or hamsters.  It hardly makes sense to ask juries to decide whether the plaintiff is more like a rat than a mouse.

For a sober second opinion to the toxicology chapter, one may consider the views of some well-known authors:

“Whereas the concordance was high between cancer-causing agents initially discovered in humans and positive results in animal studies (Tomatis et al., 1989; Wilbourn et al., 1984), the same could not be said for the reverse relationship: carcinogenic effects in animals frequently lacked concordance with overall patterns in human cancer incidence (Pastoor and Stevens, 2005).”[21]

III. New Reference Manual’s Uneven Treatment of Causation and of Conflicts of Interest

The third edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (RMSE) appeared to get off to a good start in the Preface by Judge Kessler and Dr. Kassirer, when they noted that the Supreme Court mandated federal courts to:

“examine the scientific basis of expert testimony to ensure that it meets the same rigorous standard employed by scientific researchers and practitioners outside the courtroom.”

RMSE at xiii.  The preface faltered, however, on two key issues, causation and conflicts of interest, which are taken up as an introduction to the third edition.

  1. Causation

The authors reported in somewhat squishy terms that causal assessments are judgments:

“Fundamentally, the task is an inferential process of weighing evidence and using judgment to conclude whether or not an effect is the result of some stimulus. Judgment is required even when using sophisticated statistical methods. Such methods can provide powerful evidence of associations between variables, but they cannot prove that a causal relationship exists. Theories of causation (evolution, for example) lose their designation as theories only if the scientific community has rejected alternative theories and accepted the causal relationship as fact. Elements that are often considered in helping to establish a causal relationship include predisposing factors, proximity of a stimulus to its putative outcome, the strength of the stimulus, and the strength of the events in a causal chain.”[22]

The authors left the inferential process as a matter of “weighing evidence,” but without saying anything about how the scientific community does its “weighing.” Language about “proving” causation is also unclear because “proof” in scientific parlance connotes a demonstration, which we typically find in logic or in mathematics. Proving empirical propositions suggests a bar set so high such that the courts must inevitably acquiesce in a very low threshold of evidence.  The question, of course, is how low can and will judges go to admit evidence.

The authors thus introduced hand waving and excuses for why evidence can be weighed differently in court proceedings from the world of science:

“Unfortunately, judges may be in a less favorable position than scientists to make causal assessments. Scientists may delay their decision while they or others gather more data. Judges, on the other hand, must rule on causation based on existing information. Concepts of causation familiar to scientists (no matter what stripe) may not resonate with judges who are asked to rule on general causation (i.e., is a particular stimulus known to produce a particular reaction) or specific causation (i.e., did a particular stimulus cause a particular consequence in a specific instance). In the final analysis, a judge does not have the option of suspending judgment until more information is available, but must decide after considering the best available science.”[23]

But the “best available science” may be pretty crummy, and the temptation to turn desperation into evidence (“well, it’s the best we have now”) is often severe.  The authors of the Preface thus remarkable signalled that “inconclusive” is not a judgment open to judges charged with expert witness gatekeeping.  If the authors truly meant to suggest that judges should go with whatever is dished out as “the best available science,” then they have overlooked the obvious:  Rule 702 opens the door to “scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge,” not to hunches, suggestive but inconclusive evidence, and wishful thinking about how the science may turn out when further along.  Courts have a choice to exclude expert witness opinion testimony that is based upon incomplete or inconclusive evidence. The authors went fairly far afield to suggest, erroneously, that the incomplete and the inconclusive are good enough and should be admitted.

  1. Conflicts of Interest

Surprisingly, given the scope of the scientific areas covered in the RMSE, the authors discussed conflicts of interest (COI) at some length.  Conflicts of interest are a fact of life in all endeavors, and it is understandable counsel judges and juries to try to identify, assess, and control them.  COIs, however, are weak proxies for unreliability.  The emphasis given here was, however, undue because federal judges were enticed into thinking that they can discern unreliability from COI, when they should be focused on the data, inferences, and analyses.

What becomes fairly clear is that the authors of the Preface set out to use COI as a basis for giving litigation plaintiffs a pass, and for holding back studies sponsored by corporate defendants.

“Conflict of interest manifests as bias, and given the high stakes and adversarial nature of many courtroom proceedings, bias can have a major influence on evidence, testimony, and decisionmaking. Conflicts of interest take many forms and can be based on religious, social, political, or other personal convictions. The biases that these convictions can induce may range from serious to extreme, but these intrinsic influences and the biases they can induce are difficult to identify. Even individuals with such prejudices may not appreciate that they have them, nor may they realize that their interpretations of scientific issues may be biased by them. Because of these limitations, we consider here only financial conflicts of interest; such conflicts are discoverable. Nonetheless, even though financial conflicts can be identified, having such a conflict, even one involving huge sums of money, does not necessarily mean that a given individual will be biased. Having a financial relationship with a commercial entity produces a conflict of interest, but it does not inevitably evoke bias. In science, financial conflict of interest is often accompanied by disclosure of the relationship, leaving to the public the decision whether the interpretation might be tainted. Needless to say, such an assessment may be difficult. The problem is compounded in scientific publications by obscure ways in which the conflicts are reported and by a lack of disclosure of dollar amounts.

Judges and juries, however, must consider financial conflicts of interest when assessing scientific testimony. The threshold for pursuing the possibility of bias must be low. In some instances, judges have been frustrated in identifying expert witnesses who are free of conflict of interest because entire fields of science seem to be co-opted by payments from industry. Judges must also be aware that the research methods of studies funded specifically for purposes of litigation could favor one of the parties. Though awareness of such financial conflicts in itself is not necessarily predictive of bias, such information should be sought and evaluated as part of the deliberations.”[24]

All in all, rather misleading advice.  Financial conflicts are not the only conflicts that can be “discovered.”  Often expert witnesses will have political and organizational alignments, which will show deep-seated ideological alignments with the party for which they are testifying.  For instance, in one silicosis case, an expert witness in the field of history of medicine testified, at an examination before trial, that his father suffered from a silica-related disease.  This witness’s alignment with Marxist historians and his identification with radical labor movements made his non-financial conflicts obvious, although these COI would not necessarily have been apparent from his scholarly publications alone.

How low will the bar be set for discovering COI?  If testifying expert witnesses are relying upon textbooks, articles, essays, will federal courts open the authors/hearsay declarants up to searching discovery of their finances? What really is at stake here is that the issues of accuracy, precision, and reliability are lost in the ad hominem project of discovery COIs.

Also misleading was the suggestion that “entire fields of science seem to be co-opted by payments from industry.”  Do the authors mean to exclude the plaintiffs’ lawyer lawsuit industry, which has become one of the largest rent-seeking organizations, and one of the most politically powerful groups in this country?  In litigations in which I have been involved, I have certainly seen plaintiffs’ counsel, or their proxies – labor unions, federal agencies, or “victim support groups” provide substantial funding for studies.  The Preface authors themselves show an untoward bias by their pointing out industry payments without giving balanced attention to other interested parties’ funding of scientific studies.

The attention to COI was also surprising given that one of the key chapters, for toxic tort practitioners, was written by Dr. Bernard D. Goldstein, who has testified in toxic tort cases, mostly (but not exclusively) for plaintiffs.[25]  In one such case, Makofsky, Dr. Goldstein’s participation was particularly revealing because he was forced to explain why he was willing to opine that benzene caused acute lymphocytic leukemia, despite the plethora of published studies finding no statistically significant relationship.  Dr. Goldstein resorted to the inaccurate notion that scientific “proof” of causation requires 95 percent certainty, whereas he imposed only a 51 percent certainty for his medico-legal testimonial adventures.[26] Dr. Goldstein also attempted to justify the discrepancy from the published literature by adverting to the lower standards used by federal regulatory agencies and treating physicians.  

These explanations were particularly concerning because they reflect basic errors in statistics and in causal reasoning.  The 95 percent derives from the use of the coefficient of confidence in confidence intervals, but the probability involved there is not the probability of the association’s being correct, and it has nothing to do with the probability in the belief that an association is real or is causal.  (Thankfully the RMSE chapter on statistics got this right, but my fear is that judges will skip over the more demanding chapter on statistics and place undue weight on the toxicology chapter.)  The reference to federal agencies (OSHA, EPA, etc.) and to treating physicians was meant, no doubt, to invoke precautionary principle concepts as a justification for some vague, ill-defined, lower standard of causal assessment.  These references were really covert invitations to shift the burden of proof.

The Preface authors might well have taken their own counsel and conducted a more searching assessment of COI among authors of Reference Manual.  Better yet, the authors might have focused the judiciary on the data and the analysis.

  1. Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (3d edition) on Statistical Significance

How does the new Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence treat statistical significance?  Inconsistently and at times incoherently.

  1. Professor Berger’s Introduction

In her introductory chapter, the late Professor Margaret A. Berger raised the question what role statistical significance should play in evaluating a study’s support for causal conclusions[27]:

“What role should statistical significance play in assessing the value of a study? Epidemiological studies that are not conclusive but show some increased risk do not prove a lack of causation. Some courts find that they therefore have some probative value,62 at least in proving general causation.63

This seems rather backwards.  Berger’s suggestion that inconclusive studies do not prove lack of causation seems nothing more than a tautology. Certainly the failure to rule out causation is not probative of causation. How can that tautology support the claim that inconclusive studies “therefore” have some probative value? Berger’s argument seems obviously invalid, or perhaps text that badly needed a posthumous editor.  And what epidemiologic studies are conclusive?  Are the studies individually or collectively conclusive?  Berger introduced a tantalizing concept, which was not spelled out anywhere in the Manual.

Berger’s chapter raised other, serious problems. If the relied-upon studies are not statistically significant, how should we understand the testifying expert witness to have ruled out random variability as an explanation for the disparity observed in the study or studies?  Berger did not answer these important questions, but her rhetoric elsewhere suggested that trial courts should not look too hard at the statistical support (or its lack) for what expert witness testimony is proffered.

Berger’s citations in support were curiously inaccurate.  Footnote 62 cites the Cook case:

“62. See Cook v. Rockwell Int’l Corp., 580 F. Supp. 2d 1071 (D. Colo. 2006) (discussing why the court excluded expert’s testimony, even though his epidemiological study did not produce statistically significant results).”

Berger’s citation was disturbingly incomplete.[28] The expert witness, Dr. Clapp, in Cook did rely upon his own study, which did not obtain a statistically significant result, but the trial court admitted the expert witness’s testimony; the court denied the Rule 702 challenge to Clapp, and permitted him to testify about a statistically non-significant ecological study. Given that the judgment of the district court was reversed

Footnote 63 is no better:

“63. In re Viagra Prods., 572 F. Supp. 2d 1071 (D. Minn. 2008) (extensive review of all expert evidence proffered in multidistricted product liability case).”

With respect to the concept of statistical significance, the Viagra case centered around the motion to exclude plaintiffs’ expert witness, Gerald McGwin, who relied upon three studies, none of which obtained a statistically significant result in its primary analysis.  The Viagra court’s review was hardly extensive; the court did not report, discuss, or consider the appropriate point estimates in most of the studies, the confidence intervals around those point estimates, or any aspect of systematic error in the three studies.  At best, the court’s review was perfunctory.  When the defendant brought to light the lack of data integrity in McGwin’s own study, the Viagra MDL court reversed itself, and granted the motion to exclude McGwin’s testimony.[29]  Berger’s chapter omitted the cautionary tale of McGwin’s serious, pervasive errors, and how they led to his ultimate exclusion. Berger’s characterization of the review was incorrect, and her failure to cite the subsequent procedural history, misleading.

  1. Chapter on Statistics

The Third Edition’s chapter on statistics was relatively free of value judgments about significance probability, and, therefore, an improvement over Berger’s introduction.  The authors carefully described significance probability and p-values, and explain[30]:

“Small p-values argue against the null hypothesis. Statistical significance is determined by reference to the p-value; significance testing (also called hypothesis testing) is the technique for computing p-values and determining statistical significance.”

Although the chapter conflated the positions often taken to be Fisher’s interpretation of p-values and Neyman’s conceptualization of hypothesis testing as a dichotomous decision procedure, this treatment was unfortunately fairly standard in introductory textbooks.  The authors may have felt that presenting multiple interpretations of p-values was asking too much of judges and lawyers, but the oversimplification invited a false sense of certainty about the inferences that can be drawn from statistical significance.

Kaye and Freedman, however, did offer some important qualifications to the untoward consequences of using significance testing as a dichotomous outcome[31]:

“Artifacts from multiple testing are commonplace. Because research that fails to uncover significance often is not published, reviews of the literature may produce an unduly large number of studies finding statistical significance.111 Even a single researcher may examine so many different relationships that a few will achieve statistical significance by mere happenstance. Almost any large dataset—even pages from a table of random digits—will contain some unusual pattern that can be uncovered by diligent search. Having detected the pattern, the analyst can perform a statistical test for it, blandly ignoring the search effort. Statistical significance is bound to follow.

There are statistical methods for dealing with multiple looks at the data, which permit the calculation of meaningful p-values in certain cases.112 However, no general solution is available, and the existing methods would be of little help in the typical case where analysts have tested and rejected a variety of models before arriving at the one considered the most satisfactory (see infra Section V on regression models). In these situations, courts should not be overly impressed with claims that estimates are significant. Instead, they should be asking how analysts developed their models.113

This important qualification to statistical significance was omitted from the overlapping discussion in the chapter on epidemiology, where it was very much needed.

  1. Chapter on Multiple Regression

The chapter on regression did not add much to the earlier and later discussions.  The author asked rhetorically what is the appropriate level of statistical significance, and answers:

“In most scientific work, the level of statistical significance required to reject the null hypothesis (i.e., to obtain a statistically significant result) is set conventionally at 0.05, or 5%.47

Daniel Rubinfeld, “Reference Guide on Multiple Regression,” in RMSE3d 303, 320.

  1. Chapter on Epidemiology

The chapter on epidemiology[32] mostly muddled the discussion set out in Kaye and Freedman’s chapter on statistics.

“The two main techniques for assessing random error are statistical significance and confidence intervals. A study that is statistically significant has results that are unlikely to be the result of random error, although any criterion for ‘significance’ is somewhat arbitrary. A confidence interval provides both the relative risk (or other risk measure) found in the study and a range (interval) within which the risk likely would fall if the study were repeated numerous times.”

The suggestion that a statistically significant study has results unlikely due to chance, without reminding the reader that the finding is predicated on the assumption that there is no association, and that the probability distribution was correct, and came close to crossing the line in committing the transposition fallacy so nicely described and warned against in the statistics chapter. The problem was that “results” is ambiguous as between the data as extreme or more so than what was observed, and the point estimate of the mean or proportion in the sample, and the assumptions that lead to a p-value were not disclosed.

The suggestion that alpha is “arbitrary,” was “somewhat” correct, but this truncated discussion was distinctly unhelpful to judges who are likely to take “arbitrary“ to mean “I will get reversed.”  The selection of alpha is conventional to some extent, and arbitrary in the sense that the law’s setting an age of majority or a voting age is arbitrary.  Some young adults, age 17.8 years old, may be better educated, better engaged in politics, better informed about current events, than 35 year olds, but the law must set a cut off.  Two year olds are demonstrably unfit, and 82 year olds are surely past the threshold of maturity requisite for political participation. A court might admit an opinion based upon a study of rare diseases, with tight control of bias and confounding, when p = 0.051, but that is hardly a justification for ignoring random error altogether, or admitting an opinion based upon a study, in which the disparity observed had a p = 0.15.

The epidemiology chapter correctly called out judicial decisions that confuse “effect size” with statistical significance[33]:

“Understandably, some courts have been confused about the relationship between statistical significance and the magnitude of the association. See Hyman & Armstrong, P.S.C. v. Gunderson, 279 S.W.3d 93, 102 (Ky. 2008) (describing a small increased risk as being considered statistically insignificant and a somewhat larger risk as being considered statistically significant.); In re Pfizer Inc. Sec. Litig., 584 F. Supp. 2d 621, 634–35 (S.D.N.Y. 2008) (confusing the magnitude of the effect with whether the effect was statistically significant); In re Joint E. & S. Dist. Asbestos Litig., 827 F. Supp. 1014, 1041 (S.D.N.Y. 1993) (concluding that any relative risk less than 1.50 is statistically insignificant), rev’d on other grounds, 52 F.3d 1124 (2d Cir. 1995).”

Actually this confusion is not understandable at all.  The distinction has been the subject of teaching since the first edition of the Reference Manual, and two of the cited cases post-date the second edition.  The Southern District of New York asbestos case, of course, predated the first Manual.  To be sure, courts have on occasion badly misunderstood significance probability and significance testing.   The authors of the epidemiology chapter could well have added In re Viagra, to the list of courts that confused effect size with statistical significance.[34]

The epidemiology chapter appropriately chastised courts for confusing significance probability with the probability that the null hypothesis, or its complement, is correct[35]:

“A common error made by lawyers, judges, and academics is to equate the level of alpha with the legal burden of proof. Thus, one will often see a statement that using an alpha of .05 for statistical significance imposes a burden of proof on the plaintiff far higher than the civil burden of a preponderance of the evidence (i.e., greater than 50%).  See, e.g., In re Ephedra Prods. Liab. Litig., 393 F. Supp. 2d 181, 193 (S.D.N.Y. 2005); Marmo v. IBP, Inc., 360 F. Supp. 2d 1019, 1021 n.2 (D. Neb. 2005) (an expert toxicologist who stated that science requires proof with 95% certainty while expressing his understanding that the legal standard merely required more probable than not). But see Giles v. Wyeth, Inc., 500 F. Supp. 2d 1048, 1056–57 (S.D. Ill. 2007) (quoting the second edition of this reference guide).

Comparing a selected p-value with the legal burden of proof is mistaken, although the reasons are a bit complex and a full explanation would require more space and detail than is feasible here. Nevertheless, we sketch out a brief explanation: First, alpha does not address the likelihood that a plaintiff’s disease was caused by exposure to the agent; the magnitude of the association bears on that question. See infra Section VII. Second, significance testing only bears on whether the observed magnitude of association arose  as a result of random chance, not on whether the null hypothesis is true. Third, using stringent significance testing to avoid false-positive error comes at a complementary cost of inducing false-negative error. Fourth, using an alpha of .5 would not be equivalent to saying that the probability the association found is real is 50%, and the probability that it is a result of random error is 50%.”

The footnotes went on to explain further the difference between alpha probability and burden of proof probability, but somewhat misleadingly asserted that “significance testing only bears on whether the observed magnitude of association arose as a result of random chance, not on whether the null hypothesis is true.”[36]  The significance probability does not address the probability that the observed statistic is the result of random chance; rather it describes the probability of observing at least as large a departure from the expected value if the null hypothesis is true.  Of course, if this cumulative probability is sufficiently low, then the null hypothesis is rejected, and this would seem to bear upon whether the null hypothesis is true.  Kaye and Freedman’s chapter on statistics did much better at describing p-values and avoiding the transposition fallacy.

When they stayed on message, the authors of the epidemiology chapter were certainly correct that significance probability cannot be translated into an assessment of the probability that the null hypothesis, or the obtained sampling statistic, is correct.  What these authors omitted, however, was a clear statement that the many courts and counsel who have misstated this fact do not create any worthwhile precedent, persuasive or binding.

The epidemiology chapter ultimately failed to help judges in assessing statistical significance:

“There is some controversy among epidemiologists and biostatisticians about the appropriate role of significance testing.85 To the strictest significance testers, any study whose p-value is not less than the level chosen for statistical significance should be rejected as inadequate to disprove the null hypothesis. Others are critical of using strict significance testing, which rejects all studies with an observed p-value below that specified level. Epidemiologists have become increasingly sophisticated in addressing the issue of random error and examining the data from a study to ascertain what information they may provide about the relationship between an agent and a disease, without the necessity of rejecting all studies that are not statistically significant.86 Meta-analysis, as well, a method for pooling the results of multiple studies, sometimes can ameliorate concerns about random error.87  Calculation of a confidence interval permits a more refined assessment of appropriate inferences about the association found in an epidemiologic study.88

Id. at 578-79.  Mostly true, but again rather unhelpful to judges and lawyers.  Some of the controversy, to be sure, was instigated by statisticians and epidemiologists who would elevate Bayesian methods, and eliminate the use of significance probability and testing altogether. As for those scientists who still work within the dominant frequentist statistical paradigm, the chapter authors divided the world up into “strict” testers and those critical of “strict” testing.  Where, however, is the boundary? Does criticism of “strict” testing imply embrace of “non-strict” testing, or of no testing at all?  I can sympathize with a judge who permits reliance upon a series of studies that all go in the same direction, with each having a confidence interval that just misses excluding the null hypothesis.  Meta-analysis in such a situation might not just ameliorate concerns about random error, it might eliminate them.  But what of those scientists critical of strict testing?  This certainly does not suggest or imply that courts can or should ignore random error; yet that is exactly what happened in the early going in In re Viagra Products Liab. Litig.[37]  The epidemiology chapter’s reference to confidence intervals was correct in part; they permit a more refined assessment because they permit a more direct assessment of the extent of random error in terms of magnitude of association, as well as the point estimate of the association obtained from and conditioned on the sample.  Confidence intervals, however, do not eliminate the need to interpret the extent of random error; rather they provide a more direct assessment and measurement of the standard error.

V. Power in the Reference Manual for Scientific Evidence

The Third Edition treated statistical power in three of its chapters, those on statistics, epidemiology, and medical testimony.  Unfortunately, the treatments were not always consistent.

The chapter on statistics has been consistently among the most frequently ignored content of the three editions of the Reference Manual.  The third edition offered a good introduction to basic concepts of sampling, random variability, significance testing, and confidence intervals.[38]  Kaye and Freedman provided an acceptable non-technical definition of statistical power[39]:

“More precisely, power is the probability of rejecting the null hypothesis when the alternative hypothesis … is right. Typically, this probability will depend on the values of unknown parameters, as well as the preset significance level α. The power can be computed for any value of α and any choice of parameters satisfying the alternative hypothesis. Frequentist hypothesis testing keeps the risk of a false positive to a specified level (such as α = 5%) and then tries to maximize power. Statisticians usually denote power by the Greek letter beta (β). However, some authors use β to denote the probability of accepting the null hypothesis when the alternative hypothesis is true; this usage is fairly standard in epidemiology. Accepting the null hypothesis when the alternative holds true is a false negative (also called a Type II error, a missed signal, or a false acceptance of the null hypothesis).”

The definition was not, however, without problems.  First, it introduced a nomenclature issue likely to be confusing for judges and lawyers. Kaye and Freeman used β to denote statistical power, but they acknowledge that epidemiologists use β to denote the probability of a Type II error.  And indeed, both the chapters on epidemiology and medical testimony used β to reference Type II error rate, and thus denote power as the complement of β, or (1- β).[40]

Second, the reason for introducing the confusion about β was doubtful.  Kaye and Freeman suggested that statisticians usually denote power by β, but they offered no citations.  A quick review (not necessarily complete or even a random sample) suggests that many modern statistics texts denote power as (1- β).[41]   At the end of the day, there really was no reason for the conflicting nomenclature and the likely confusion it would engenders.  Indeed, the duplicative handling of statistical power, and other concepts, suggested that it is time to eliminate the repetitive discussions, in favor of one, clear, thorough discussion in the statistics chapter.

Third, Kaye and Freeman problematically refer to β as the probability of accepting the null hypothesis when elsewhere they more carefully instructed that a non-significant finding results in not rejecting the null hypothesis as opposed to accepting the null.  Id. at 253.[42]

Fourth, Kaye and Freeman’s discussion of power, unlike most of their chapter, offered advice that is controversial and unclear:

“On the other hand, when studies have a good chance of detecting a meaningful association, failure to obtain significance can be persuasive evidence that there is nothing much to be found.”[43]

Note that the authors left open what a legal or clinically meaningful association is, and thus offered no real guidance to judges on how to evaluate power after data are collected and analyzed.  As Professor Sander Greenland has argued, in legal contexts, this reliance upon observed power (as opposed to power as a guide in determining appropriate sample size in the planning stages of a study) was arbitrary and “unsalvageable as an analytic tool.”[44]

The chapter on epidemiology offered similar controversial advice on the use of power[45]:

“When a study fails to find a statistically significant association, an important question is whether the result tends to exonerate the agent’s toxicity or is essentially inconclusive with regard to toxicity.93 The concept of power can be helpful in evaluating whether a study’s outcome is exonerative or inconclusive.94  The power of a study is the probability of finding a statistically significant association of a given magnitude (if it exists) in light of the sample sizes used in the study. The power of a study depends on several factors: the sample size; the level of alpha (or statistical significance) specified; the background incidence of disease; and the specified relative risk that the researcher would like to detect.95  Power curves can be constructed that show the likelihood of finding any given relative risk in light of these factors. Often, power curves are used in the design of a study to determine what size the study populations should be.96

Although the authors correctly emphasized the need to specify an alternative hypothesis, their discussion and advice were empty of how that alternative should be selected in legal contexts.  The suggestion that power curves can be constructed was, of course, true, but irrelevant unless courts know where on the power curve they should be looking.  The authors were also correct that power is used to determine adequate sample size under specified conditions; but again, the use of power curves in this setting is today rather uncommon.  Investigators select a level of power corresponding to an acceptable Type II error rate, and an alternative hypothesis that would be clinically meaningful for their research, in order to determine their sample size. Translating clinical into legal meaningfulness is not always straightforward.

In a footnote, the authors of the epidemiology chapter noted that Professor Rothman has been “one of the leaders in advocating the use of confidence intervals and rejecting strict significance testing.”[46] What the chapter failed, however, to mention is that Rothman has also been outspoken in rejecting post-hoc power calculations that the epidemiology chapter seemed to invite:

“Standard statistical advice states that when the data indicate a lack of significance, it is important to consider the power of the study to detect as significant a specific alternative hypothesis. The power of a test, however, is only an indirect indicator of precision, and it requires an assumption about the magnitude of the effect. In planning a study, it is reasonable to make conjectures about the magnitude of an effect to compute study-size requirements or power. In analyzing data, however, it is always preferable to use the information in the data about the effect to estimate it directly, rather than to speculate about it with study-size or power calculations (Smith and Bates, 1992; Goodman and Berlin, 1994; Hoening and Heisey, 2001). Confidence limits and (even more so) P-value functions convey much more of the essential information by indicating the range of values that are reasonably compatible with the observations (albeit at a somewhat arbitrary alpha level), assuming the statistical model is correct. They can also show that the data do not contain the information necessary for reassurance about an absence of effect.”[47]

The selective, incomplete scholarship of the epidemiology chapter on the issue of statistical power was not only unfortunate, but it distorted the authors’ evaluation of the sparse case law on the issue of power.  For instance, they noted:

“Even when a study or body of studies tends to exonerate an agent, that does not establish that the agent is absolutely safe. See Cooley v. Lincoln Elec. Co., 693 F. Supp. 2d 767 (N.D. Ohio 2010). Epidemiology is not able to provide such evidence.”[48]

Here the authors, Green, Freedman, and Gordis, shifted the burden to the defendant and then go to an even further extreme of making the burden of proof one of absolute certainty in the product’s safety.  This is not, and never has been, a legal standard. The cases they cited amplified the error. In Cooley, for instance, the defense expert would have opined that welding fume exposure did not cause parkinsonism or Parkinson’s disease.  Although the expert witness had not conducted a meta-analysis, he had reviewed the confidence intervals around the point estimates of the available studies.  Many of the point estimates were at or below 1.0, and in some cases, the upper bound of the confidence interval excluded 1.0.  The trial court expressed its concern that the expert witness had inferred “evidence of absence” from “absence of evidence.”  Cooley v. Lincoln Elec. Co., 693 F. Supp. 2d 767, 773 (N.D. Ohio 2010).  This concern, however, was misguided given that many studies had tested the claimed association, and that virtually every case-control and cohort study had found risk ratios at or below 1.0, or very close to 1.0.  What the court in Cooley, and the authors of the epidemiology chapter in the third edition have lost sight of, is that when the hypothesis is repeatedly tested, with failure to reject the null hypothesis, and with point estimates at or very close to 1.0, and with narrow confidence intervals, then the claimed association is probably incorrect.[49]

The Cooley court’s comments might have had some validity when applied to a single study, but not to the impressive body of exculpatory epidemiologic evidence that pertained to welding fume and Parkinson’s disease.  Shortly after the Cooley case was decided, a published meta-analysis of welding fume or manganese exposure demonstrated a reduced level of risk for Parkinson’s disease among persons occupationally exposed to welding fumes or manganese.[50]

VI. The Treatment of Meta-Analysis in the Third Edition

Meta-analysis is a statistical procedure for aggregating data and statistics from individual studies into a single summary statistical estimate of the population measurement of interest.  The first meta-analysis is typically attributed to Karl Pearson, circa 1904, who sought a method to overcome the limitations of small sample size and low statistical power.  Statistical methods for meta-analysis in epidemiology and the social sciences, however, did not mature until the 1970s.  Even then, the biomedical scientific community remained skeptical of, if not out rightly hostile to, meta-analysis until relatively recently.

The hostility to meta-analysis, especially in the context of observational epidemiologic studies, was colorfully expressed by two capable epidemiologists, Samuel Shapiro and Alvan Feinstein, as late as the 1990s:

“Meta-analysis begins with scientific studies….  [D]ata from these studies are then run through computer models of bewildering complexity which produce results of implausible precision.”

* * * *

“I propose that the meta-analysis of published non-experimental data should be abandoned.”[51]

The professional skepticism about meta-analysis was reflected in some of the early judicial assessments of meta-analysis in court cases.  In the 1980s and early 1990s, some trial judges erroneously dismissed meta-analysis as a flawed statistical procedure that claimed to make something out of nothing.[52]

In In re Paoli Railroad Yard PCB Litigation, Judge Robert Kelly excluded plaintiffs’ expert witness Dr. William Nicholson and his testimony based upon his unpublished meta-analysis of health outcomes among PCB-exposed workers.  Judge Kelly found that the meta-analysis was a novel technique, and that Nicholson’s meta-analysis was not peer reviewed.  Furthermore, the meta-analysis assessed health outcomes not experienced by any of the plaintiffs before the trial court.[53]

The Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit reversed the exclusion of Dr. Nicholson’s testimony, and remanded for reconsideration with instructions.[54]  The Circuit noted that meta-analysis was not novel, and that the lack of peer-review was not an automatic disqualification.  Acknowledging that a meta-analysis could be performed poorly using invalid methods, the appellate court directed the trial court to evaluate the validity of Dr. Nicholson’s work on his meta-analysis. On remand, however, it seems that plaintiffs chose – wisely – not to proceed with Nicholson’s meta-analysis.[55]

In one of many squirmishes over colorectal cancer claims in asbestos litigation, Judge Sweet in the Southern District of New York was unimpressed by efforts to aggregate data across studies.  Judge Sweet declared that:

“no matter how many studies yield a positive but statistically insignificant SMR for colorectal cancer, the results remain statistically insignificant. Just as adding a series of zeros together yields yet another zero as the product, adding a series of positive but statistically insignificant SMRs together does not produce a statistically significant pattern.”[56]

The plaintiffs’ expert witness who had offered the unreliable testimony, Dr. Steven Markowitz, like Nicholson, another foot soldier in Dr. Irving Selikoff’s litigation machine, did not offer a formal meta-analysis to justify his assessment that multiple non-significant studies, taken together, rule out chance as a likely explanation for an aggregate finding of an increased risk.

Judge Sweet was quite justified in rejecting this back of the envelope, non-quantitative meta-analysis.  His suggestion, however, that multiple non-significant studies could never collectively serve to rule out chance as an explanation for an overall increased rate of disease in the exposed groups is completely wrong.  Judge Sweet would have better focused on the validity issues in key studies, the presence of bias and confounding, and the completeness of the proffered meta-analysis.  The Second Circuit reversed the entry of summary judgment, and remanded the colorectal cancer claim for trial.[57]  Over a decade later, with even more accumulated studies and data, the Institute of Medicine found the evidence for asbestos plaintiffs’ colorectal cancer claims to be scientifically insufficient.[58]

Courts continue to go astray with an erroneous belief that multiple studies, all without statistically significant results, cannot yield a statistically significant summary estimate of increased risk.  See, e.g., Baker v. Chevron USA, Inc., 2010 WL 99272, *14-15 (S.D.Ohio 2010) (addressing a meta-analysis by Dr. Infante on multiple myeloma outcomes in studies of benzene-exposed workers).  There were many sound objections to Infante’s meta-analysis, but the suggestion that multiple studies without statistical significance could not yield a summary estimate of risk with statistical significance was not one of them.

In the last two decades, meta-analysis has emerged as an important technique for addressing random variation in studies, as well as some of the limitations of frequentist statistical methods.  In 1980s, articles reporting meta-analyses were rare to non-existent.  In 2009, there were over 2,300 articles with “meta-analysis” in their title, or in their keywords, indexed in the PubMed database of the National Library of Medicine.[59]

The techniques for aggregating data have been studied, refined, and employed extensively in thousands of methods and application papers in the last decade. Consensus guideline papers have been published for meta-analyses of clinical trials as well as observational studies.[60]  Meta-analyses, of observational studies and of randomized clinical trials, routinely are relied upon by expert witnesses in pharmaceutical and so-called toxic tort litigation.[61]

The second edition of the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence gave very little attention to meta-analysis; the third edition did not add very much to the discussion.  The time has come for the next edition to address meta-analyses, and criteria for their validity or invalidity.

  1. Statistics Chapter

The statistics chapter of the third edition gave scant attention to meta-analysis.  The chapter noted, in a footnote, that there are formal procedures for aggregating data across studies, and that the power of the aggregated data will exceed the power of the individual, included studies.  The footnote then cautioned that meta-analytic procedures “have their own weakness,”[62] without detailing what that weakness is. The time has come to spell out the weaknesses so that trial judges can evaluate opinion testimony based upon meta-analyses.

The glossary at the end of the statistics chapter offers a definition of meta-analysis:

“meta-analysis. Attempts to combine information from all studies on a certain topic. For example, in the epidemiological context, a meta-analysis may attempt to provide a summary odds ratio and confidence interval for the effect of a certain exposure on a certain disease.”[63]

This definition was inaccurate in ways that could yield serious mischief.  Virtually all meta-analyses are, or should be, built upon a systematic review that sets out to collect all available studies on a research issue of interest.  It is a rare meta-analysis, however, that includes “all” studies in its quantitative analysis.  The meta-analytic process involves a pre-specification of inclusionary and exclusionary criteria for the quantitative analysis of the summary estimate of risk.  Those criteria may limit the quantitative analysis to randomized trials, or to analytical epidemiologic studies.  Furthermore, meta-analyses frequently and appropriately have pre-specified exclusionary criteria that relate to study design or quality.

On a more technical note, the offered definition suggests that the summary estimate of risk will be an odds ratio, which may or may not be true.  Meta-analyses of risk ratios may yield summary estimates of risk in terms of relative risk or hazard ratios, or even of risk differences.  The meta-analysis may combine data of means rather than proportions as well.

  1. Epidemiology Chapter

The chapter on epidemiology delved into meta-analysis in greater detail than the statistics chapter, and offered apparently inconsistent advice.  The overall gist of the chapter, however, can perhaps best be summarized by the definition offered in this chapter’s glossary:

“meta-analysis. A technique used to combine the results of several studies to enhance the precision of the estimate of the effect size and reduce the plausibility that the association found is due to random sampling error.  Meta-analysis is best suited to pooling results from randomly controlled experimental studies, but if carefully performed, it also may be useful for observational studies.”[64]

It is now time to tell trial judges what “careful” means in the context of conducting and reporting and relying upon meta-analyses.

The epidemiology chapter appropriately noted that meta-analysis can help address concerns over random error in small studies.[65]  Having told us that properly conducted meta-analyses of observational studies can be helpful, the chapter then proceeded to hedge considerably[66]:

“Meta-analysis is most appropriate when used in pooling randomized experimental trials, because the studies included in the meta-analysis share the most significant methodological characteristics, in particular, use of randomized assignment of subjects to different exposure groups. However, often one is confronted with nonrandomized observational studies of the effects of possible toxic substances or agents. A method for summarizing such studies is greatly needed, but when meta-analysis is applied to observational studies – either case-control or cohort – it becomes more controversial.174 The reason for this is that often methodological differences among studies are much more pronounced than they are in randomized trials. Hence, the justification for pooling the results and deriving a single estimate of risk, for example, is problematic.175

The stated objection to pooling results for observational studies was certainly correct, but many research topics have sufficient studies available to allow for appropriate selectivity in framing inclusionary and exclusionary criteria to address the objection.  The chapter went on to credit the critics of meta-analyses of observational studies.  As they did in the second edition of the Reference Manual, the authors in the third edition repeated their cites to, and quotes from, early papers by John Bailar, who was then critical of such meta-analyses:

“Much has been written about meta-analysis recently and some experts consider the problems of meta-analysis to outweigh the benefits at the present time. For example, John Bailar has observed:

‘[P]roblems have been so frequent and so deep, and overstatements of the strength of conclusions so extreme, that one might well conclude there is something seriously and fundamentally wrong with the method. For the present . . . I still prefer the thoughtful, old-fashioned review of the literature by a knowledgeable expert who explains and defends the judgments that are presented. We have not yet reached a stage where these judgments can be passed on, even in part, to a formalized process such as meta-analysis.’

John Bailar, “Assessing Assessments,” 277 Science 528, 529 (1997).”[67]

Bailar’s subjective preference for “old-fashioned” reviews, which often cherry picked the included studies is, well, “old fashioned.”  More to the point, it is questionable science, and a distinctly minority viewpoint in the light of substantial improvements in the conduct and reporting of systematic reviews and meta-analyses of observational studies.  Bailar may be correct that some meta-analyses should have never left the protocol stage, but the third edition of the Reference Manual failed to provide the judiciary with the tools to appreciate the distinction between good and bad meta-analyses.

This categorical rejection, cited with apparent approval, is amplified by a recitation of some real or apparent problems with meta-analyses of observational studies.  What is missing is a discussion of how many of these problems can be and are dealt with in contemporary practice[68]:

“A number of problems and issues arise in meta-analysis. Should only published papers be included in the meta-analysis, or should any available studies be used, even if they have not been peer reviewed? Can the results of the meta-analysis itself be reproduced by other analysts? When there are several meta-analyses of a given relationship, why do the results of different meta-analyses often disagree? The appeal of a meta-analysis is that it generates a single estimate of risk (along with an associated confidence interval), but this strength can also be a weakness, and may lead to a false sense of security regarding the certainty of the estimate. A key issue is the matter of heterogeneity of results among the studies being summarized.  If there is more variance among study results than one would expect by chance, this creates further uncertainty about the summary measure from the meta-analysis. Such differences can arise from variations in study quality, or in study populations or in study designs. Such differences in results make it harder to trust a single estimate of effect; the reasons for such differences need at least to be acknowledged and, if possible, explained.176 People often tend to have an inordinate belief in the validity of the findings when a single number is attached to them, and many of the difficulties that may arise in conducting a meta-analysis, especially of observational studies such as epidemiologic ones, may consequently be overlooked.177

The epidemiology chapter authors were entitled to their opinion, but their discussion left the judiciary uninformed about current practice, and best practices, in epidemiology.  A categorical rejection of meta-analyses of observational studies is at odds with the chapter’s own claim that such meta-analyses can be helpful if properly performed. What was needed, and is missing, is a meaningful discussion to help the judiciary determine whether a meta-analysis of observational studies was properly performed.

  1. Medical Testimony Chapter

The chapter on medical testimony is the third pass at meta-analysis in the third edition of the Reference Manual.  The second edition’s chapter on medical testimony ignored meta-analysis completely; the new edition addresses meta-analysis in the context of the hierarchy of study designs[69]:

“Other circumstances that set the stage for an intense focus on medical evidence included

(1) the development of medical research, including randomized controlled trials and other observational study designs;

(2) the growth of diagnostic and therapeutic interventions;141

(3) interest in understanding medical decision making and how physicians reason;142 and

(4) the acceptance of meta-analysis as a method to combine data from multiple randomized trials.143

This language from the medical testimony chapter curiously omitted observational studies, but the footnote reference (note 143) then inconsistently discussed two meta-analyses of observational, rather than experimental, studies.[70]  The chapter then provided even further confusion by giving a more detailed listing of the hierarchy of medical evidence in the form of different study designs[71]:

3. Hierarchy of medical evidence

With the explosion of available medical evidence, increased emphasis has been placed on assembling, evaluating, and interpreting medical research evidence.  A fundamental principle of evidence-based medicine (see also Section IV.C.5, infra) is that the strength of medical evidence supporting a therapy or strategy is hierarchical.  When ordered from strongest to weakest, systematic review of randomized trials (meta-analysis) is at the top, followed by single randomized trials, systematic reviews of observational studies, single observational studies, physiological studies, and unsystematic clinical observations.150 An analysis of the frequency with which various study designs are cited by others provides empirical evidence supporting the influence of meta-analysis followed by randomized controlled trials in the medical evidence hierarchy.151 Although they are at the bottom of the evidence hierarchy, unsystematic clinical observations or case reports may be the first signals of adverse events or associations that are later confirmed with larger or controlled epidemiological studies (e.g., aplastic anemia caused by chloramphenicol,152 or lung cancer caused by asbestos153). Nonetheless, subsequent studies may not confirm initial reports (e.g., the putative association between coffee consumption and pancreatic cancer).154

This discussion further muddied the water by using a parenthetical to suggest that meta-analyses of randomized clinical trials are equivalent to systematic reviews of such studies — “systematic review of randomized trials (meta-analysis).” Of course, systematic reviews are not meta-analyses, although they are usually a necessary precondition for conducting a proper meta-analysis.  The relationship between the procedures for a systematic review and a meta-analysis are in need of clarification, but the judiciary will not find it in the third edition of the Reference Manual.

CONCLUSION

The idea of the Reference Manual was important to support trial judge’s efforts to engage in gatekeeping in unfamiliar subject matter areas. In its third incarnation, the Manual has become a standard starting place for discussion, but on several crucial issues, the third edition was unclear, imprecise, contradictory, or muddled. The organizational committee and authors for the fourth edition have a fair amount of work on their hands. There is clearly room for improvement in the Fourth Edition.


[1] Adam Dutkiewicz, “Book Review: Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence, Third Edition,” 28 Thomas M. Cooley L. Rev. 343 (2011); John A. Budny, “Book Review: Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence, Third Edition,” 31 Internat’l J. Toxicol. 95 (2012); James F. Rogers, Jim Shelson, and Jessalyn H. Zeigler, “Changes in the Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (Third Edition),” Internat’l Ass’n Def. Csl. Drug, Device & Biotech. Comm. Newsltr. (June 2012).  See Schachtman “New Reference Manual’s Uneven Treatment of Conflicts of Interest.” (Oct. 12, 2011).

[2] The Manual did not do quite so well in addressing its own conflicts of interest.  See, e.g., infra at notes 7, 20.

[3] RSME 3d 11 (2011).

[4] Id. at 19.

[5] Id. at 20 & n. 51 (citing Susan Haack, “An Epistemologist in the Bramble-Bush: At the Supreme Court with Mr. Joiner,” 26 J. Health Pol. Pol’y & L. 217–37 (1999).

[6] Id. at 19-20 & n.52.

[7] Professor Berger filed an amicus brief on behalf of plaintiffs, in Rider v. Sandoz Pharms. Corp., 295 F.3d 1194 (11th Cir. 2002).

[8] Id. at 20 n.51. (The editors noted misleadingly that the published chapter was Berger’s last revision, with “a few edits to respond to suggestions by reviewers.”). I have written elsewhere of the ethical cloud hanging over this Milward decision. SeeCarl Cranor’s Inference to the Best Explanation” (Feb. 12, 2021); “From here to CERT-ainty” (June 28, 2018); “The Council for Education & Research on Toxics” (July 9, 2013) (CERT amicus brief filed without any disclosure of conflict of interest). See also NAS, “Carl Cranor’s Conflicted Jeremiad Against Daubert” (Sept. 23, 2018).

[9] RMSE 3d at 610 (internal citations omitted).

[10] RMSE 3d at 610 n.184 (emphasis, in bold, added).

[11] Interestingly, the authors of this chapter seem to abandon their suggestion that studies relied upon “might qualify for the learned treatise exception to the hearsay rule, Fed. R. Evid. 803(18), or possibly the catchall exceptions, Fed. R. Evid. 803(24) & 804(5),” which was part of their argument in the Second Edition.  RMSE 2d at 335 (2000).  See also RMSE 3d at 214 (discussing statistical studies as generally “admissible,” but acknowledging that admissibility may be no more than permission to explain the basis for an expert’s opinion, which is hardly admissibility at all).

[12] David L. Faigman, et al., Modern Scientific Evidence:  The Law and Science of Expert Testimony v.1, § 23:1,at 206 (2009) (“Well conducted studies are uniformly admitted.”).

[13] See Richard M. Lynch and Mary S. Henifin, “Causation in Occupational Disease: Balancing Epidemiology, Law and Manufacturer Conduct,” 9 Risk: Health, Safety & Environment 259, 269 (1998) (conflating distinct causal and liability concepts, and arguing that legal and scientific causal criteria should be abrogated when manufacturing defendant has breached a duty of care).

[14]  See, e.g., Parker v. Mobil Oil Corp., 7 N.Y.3d 434, 857 N.E.2d 1114, 824 N.Y.S.2d 584 (2006) (dismissing leukemia (AML) claim based upon claimed low-level benzene exposure from gasoline), aff’g 16 A.D.3d 648 (App. Div. 2d Dep’t 2005).  No; you will not find the Parker case cited in the Manual‘s chapter on toxicology. (Parker is, however, cited in the chapter on exposure science even though it is a state court case.).

[15] Curtis D. Klaassen, Casarett & Doull’s Toxicology: The Basic Science of Poisons 23 (7th ed. 2008) (internal citations omitted).

[16] Philip Wexler, Bethesda, et al., eds., 2 Encyclopedia of Toxicology 96 (2005).

[17] See Edward J. Calabrese and Robyn B. Blain, “The hormesis database: The occurrence of hormetic dose responses in the toxicological literature,” 61 Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology 73 (2011) (reviewing about 9,000 dose-response relationships for hormesis, to create a database of various aspects of hormesis).  See also Edward J. Calabrese and Robyn B. Blain, “The occurrence of hormetic dose responses in the toxicological literature, the hormesis database: An overview,” 202 Toxicol. & Applied Pharmacol. 289 (2005) (earlier effort to establish hormesis database).

[18] Reference Manual at 653

[19] See e.g., Karin Wirdefeldt, Hans-Olaf Adami, Philip Cole, Dimitrios Trichopoulos, and Jack Mandel, “Epidemiology and etiology of Parkinson’s disease: a review of the evidence.  26 European J. Epidemiol. S1, S20-21 (2011); Tomas R. Guilarte, “Manganese and Parkinson’s Disease: A Critical Review and New Findings,” 118 Environ Health Perspect. 1071, 1078 (2010) (“The available evidence from human and non­human primate studies using behavioral, neuroimaging, neurochemical, and neuropathological end points provides strong sup­port to the hypothesis that, although excess levels of [manganese] accumulation in the brain results in an atypical form of parkinsonism, this clini­cal outcome is not associated with the degen­eration of nigrostriatal dopaminergic neurons as is the case in PD [Parkinson’s disease].”)

[20] RMSE3ed at 646.

[21] Hans-Olov Adami, Sir Colin L. Berry, Charles B. Breckenridge, Lewis L. Smith, James A. Swenberg, Dimitrios Trichopoulos, Noel S. Weiss, and Timothy P. Pastoor, “Toxicology and Epidemiology: Improving the Science with a Framework for Combining Toxicological and Epidemiological Evidence to Establish Causal Inference,” 122 Toxciological Sciences 223, 224 (2011).

[22] RMSE3d at xiv.

[23] RMSE3d at xiv.

[24] RMSE3d at xiv-xv.

[25] See, e.g., Parker v. Mobil Oil Corp., 7 N.Y.3d 434, 857 N.E.2d 1114, 824 N.Y.S.2d 584 (2006); Exxon Corp. v. Makofski, 116 SW 3d 176 (Tex. Ct. App. 2003).

[26] Goldstein here and elsewhere has confused significance probability with the posterior probability required by courts and scientists.

[27] Margaret A. Berger, “The Admissibility of Expert Testimony,” in RMSE3d 11, 24 (2011).

[28] Cook v. Rockwell Int’l Corp., 580 F. Supp. 2d 1071, 1122 (D. Colo. 2006), rev’d and remanded on other grounds, 618 F.3d 1127 (10th Cir. 2010), cert. denied, ___ U.S. ___ (May 24, 2012).

[29] In re Viagra Products Liab. Litig., 658 F. Supp. 2d 936, 945 (D. Minn. 2009). 

[31] Id. at 256 -57.

[32] Michael D. Green, D. Michal Freedman, and Leon Gordis, “Reference Guide on Epidemiology,” in RMSE3d 549, 573.

[33] Id. at 573n.68.

[34] See In re Viagra Products Liab. Litig., 572 F. Supp. 2d 1071, 1081 (D. Minn. 2008).

[35] RSME3d at 577 n81.

[36] Id.

[37] 572 F. Supp. 2d 1071, 1081 (D. Minn. 2008).

[38] David H. Kaye & David A. Freedman, “Reference Guide on Statistics,” in RMSE3ed 209 (2011).

[39] Id. at 254 n.106

[40] See Michael D. Green, D. Michal Freedman, and Leon Gordis, “Reference Guide on Epidemiology,” in RMSE3ed 549, 582, 626 ; John B. Wong, Lawrence O. Gostin, and Oscar A. Cabrera, Abogado, “Reference Guide on Medical Testimony,” in RMSE3ed 687, 724.  This confusion in nomenclature is regrettable, given the difficulty many lawyers and judges seem have in following discussions of statistical concepts.

[41] See, e.g., Richard D. De Veaux, Paul F. Velleman, and David E. Bock, Intro Stats 545-48 (3d ed. 2012); Rand R. Wilcox, Fundamentals of Modern Statistical Methods 65 (2d ed. 2010).

[42] See also Daniel Rubinfeld, “Reference Guide on Multiple Regression,“ in RMSE3d 303, 321 (describing a p-value > 5% as leading to failing to reject the null hypothesis).

[43] RMSE3d at 254.

[44] See Sander Greenland, “Nonsignificance Plus High Power Does Not Imply Support Over the Alternative,” 22 Ann. Epidemiol. 364, 364 (2012).

[45] Michael D. Green, D. Michal Freedman, and Leon Gordis, “Reference Guide on Epidemiology,” RMSE3ed 549, 582.

[46] RMSE3d at 579 n.88.

[47] Kenneth Rothman, Sander Greenland, and Timothy Lash, Modern Epidemiology 160 (3d ed. 2008).  See also Kenneth J. Rothman, “Significance Questing,” 105 Ann. Intern. Med. 445, 446 (1986) (“[Simon] rightly dismisses calculations of power as a weak substitute for confidence intervals, because power calculations address only the qualitative issue of statistical significance and do not take account of the results already in hand.”).

[48] RMSE3d at 582 n.93; id. at 582 n.94 (“Thus, in Smith v. Wyeth-Ayerst Labs. Co., 278 F.Supp. 2d 684, 693 (W.D.N.C. 2003), and Cooley v. Lincoln Electric Co., 693 F. Supp. 2d 767, 773 (N.D. Ohio 2010), the courts recognized that the power of a study was critical to assessing whether the failure of the study to find a statistically significant association was exonerative of the agent or inconclusive.”).

[49] See, e.g., Anthony J. Swerdlow, Maria Feychting, Adele C. Green, Leeka Kheifets, David A. Savitz, International Commission for Non-Ionizing Radiation Protection Standing Committee on Epidemiology, “Mobile Phones, Brain Tumors, and the Interphone Study: Where Are We Now?” 119 Envt’l Health Persp. 1534, 1534 (2011) (“Although there remains some uncertainty, the trend in the accumulating evidence is increasingly against the hypothesis that mobile phone use can cause brain tumors in adults.”).

[50] James Mortimer, Amy Borenstein, and Lorene Nelson, “Associations of welding and manganese exposure with Parkinson disease: Review and meta-analysis,” 79 Neurology 1174 (2012).

[51] Samuel Shapiro, “Meta-analysis/Smeta-analysis,” 140 Am. J. Epidem. 771, 777 (1994).  See also Alvan Feinstein, “Meta-Analysis: Statistical Alchemy for the 21st Century,” 48 J. Clin. Epidem. 71 (1995).

[52] Allen v. Int’l Bus. Mach. Corp., No. 94-264-LON, 1997 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 8016, at *71–*74 (suggesting that meta-analysis of observational studies was controversial among epidemiologists).

[53] 706 F. Supp. 358, 373 (E.D. Pa. 1988).

[54] In re Paoli R.R. Yard PCB Litig., 916 F.2d 829, 856-57 (3d Cir. 1990), cert. denied, 499 U.S. 961 (1991); Hines v. Consol. Rail Corp., 926 F.2d 262, 273 (3d Cir. 1991).

[55] SeeThe Shmeta-Analysis in Paoli,” (July 11, 2019).

[56] In re Joint E. & S. Dist. Asbestos Litig., 827 F. Supp. 1014, 1042 (S.D.N.Y. 1993).

[57] 52 F.3d 1124 (2d Cir. 1995).

[58] Institute of Medicine, Asbestos: Selected Cancers (Wash. D.C. 2006).

[59] See Michael O. Finkelstein and Bruce Levin, “Meta-Analysis of ‘Sparse’ Data: Perspectives from the Avandia CasesJurimetrics J. (2011).

[60] See Donna Stroup, et al., “Meta-analysis of Observational Studies in Epidemiology: A Proposal for Reporting,” 283 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 2008 (2000) (MOOSE statement); David Moher, Deborah Cook, Susan Eastwood, Ingram Olkin, Drummond Rennie, and Donna Stroup, “Improving the quality of reports of meta-analyses of randomised controlled trials: the QUOROM statement,” 354 Lancet 1896 (1999).  See also Jesse Berlin & Carin Kim, “The Use of Meta-Analysis in Pharmacoepidemiology,” in Brian Strom, ed., Pharmacoepidemiology 681, 683–84 (4th ed. 2005); Zachary Gerbarg & Ralph Horwitz, “Resolving Conflicting Clinical Trials: Guidelines for Meta-Analysis,” 41 J. Clin. Epidemiol. 503 (1988).

[61] See Finkelstein & Levin, supra at note 59. See also In re Bextra and Celebrex Marketing Sales Practices and Prod. Liab. Litig., 524 F. Supp. 2d 1166, 1174, 1184 (N.D. Cal. 2007) (holding that reliance upon “[a] meta-analysis of all available published and unpublished randomized clinical trials” was reasonable and appropriate, and criticizing the expert witnesses who urged the complete rejection of meta-analysis of observational studies).

[62] RMSE 3d at 254 n.107.

[63] Id. at 289.

[64] Reference Guide on Epidemiology, RSME3d at 624.  See also id. at 581 n. 89 (“Meta-analysis is better suited to combining results from randomly controlled experimental studies, but if carefully performed it may also be helpful for observational studies, such as those in the epidemiologic field.”).

[65] Id. at 579; see also id. at 607 n. 171.

[66] Id. at 607.

[67] Id. at 607 n.177.

[68] Id. at 608.

[69] RMSE 3d at 722-23.

[70] Id. at 723 n.143 (“143. … Video Software Dealers Ass’n v. Schwarzenegger, 556 F.3d 950, 963 (9th Cir. 2009) (analyzing a meta-analysis of studies on video games and adolescent behavior); Kennecott Greens Creek Min. Co. v. Mine Safety & Health Admin., 476 F.3d 946, 953 (D.C. Cir. 2007) (reviewing the Mine Safety and Health Administration’s reliance on epidemiological studies and two meta-analyses).”).

[71] Id. at 723-24.

State-of-the-Art Legal Defenses and Shifty Paradigms

October 16th, 2021

The essence of a failure-to-warn claim is that (1) a manufacturer knows, or should know, about a harmful aspect of its product, (2) which knowledge is not appreciated by customers, (3) the manufacturer fails to warn adequately of this known harm, and (4) the manufacturer’s failure to warn causes the plaintiff to sustain the particular harm of which the manufacturer had knowledge, actual or constructive.

There are myriad problems with the assessing the knowledge component in failure-to-warn claims. Some formulations impute to manufacturers the knowledge of an expert in the field. First, which expert’s claim to knowledge counts for or against the existence of a duty? The typical formulation begs the question which expert’s understanding will control when experts in the field disagree. Second, and equally problematic, knowledge has a temporal aspect. There are causal relationships we “know” today, which we did not know in times past. This temporal component becomes even more refractory for failure-to-warn claims results when the epistemic criteria for claims of knowledge change over time.

In the early 20th century, infectious disease epidemiology, with its reliance upon Koch’s postulates. dominated the model of causation used in public and scientific discourse. The very nature of Koch’s postulates made the identification of a specific pathogen necessary to the causation of a specific disease. Later in the first half of the 20th century, epidemiologists and clinicians came to realize that the specific pathogen may be necessary but not sufficient for inducing a particular infectious disease. Still there was some comfort in having causal associations predicated upon necessary relationships. Clinicians and clinical scientists did not have to worry too much about probability theory or statistics.

The development of causal models in which the putative cause was neither necessary nor sufficient for bringing about the outcome of interest was a substantial shock to the system. In the absence of a one-to-one specificity, scientists had to account for confounding variables, in ways that they had not done so previously. The implications for legal state-of-the-art defenses could not be more profound. In the first half of the 20th century, case reports and series were frequently seen as adequate for suggesting and establishing causal relationships. By the end of the 1940s, scientists were well aware of the methodological inappropriateness of relying upon case reports and series, and the need for analytical epidemiologic studies to support causal claims.

Several historians of science have addressed the changing causal paradigm, which ultimately would permit and even encourage scientists to identify causal associations, even when the exposures studied were neither necessary nor sufficient to bring about the end point of interest. In 2011, Mark Parascandola, while he was an epidemiologist in the National Cancer Institute’s Tobacco Control Research Branch, wrote an important history of this paradigm shift and its implications in epidemiology.[1] His paper should be required reading for all lawyers who work on “long-tail” litigation, involving claims that risks were known to manufacturers even before World War II.

In Parascandola’s history, epidemiology and clinical science focused largely on infectious diseases in the early 20th century, and as a result, causal association was seen through the lens of Koch’s postulates with its implied model of necessary and sufficient conditions for causal attribution. Not until after World War II did “risk factor” epidemiology emerge to address the causal role of exposures – such as tobacco smoking – that were neither necessary nor sufficient for causing an outcome of interest.[2]

The shift from infectious to chronic diseases, such as cancer and cardiovascular disease, occurred in the 1950s, and brought with it, acceptance of a different concepts of causation, which involved stochastic events, indeterminism, multi-factorial contributions, and confounding of observations by independent but correlated causes. The causal criteria for infectious disease were generally unhelpful in supporting causal claims of chronic diseases.

Parascandola characterizes the paradigm shift as a “radical change,” influenced by developments in statistics, quantum mechanics, and causal theory.[3] Edward Cuyler Hammond, an epidemiologist with the American Cancer Society, for example, wrote in 1955, that:

“[t]he cause of an effect has sometimes been defined as a single factor which antecedes, which is necessary, and which is sufficient to produce the effect. Clearly this definition is inadequate for the study of biologic phenomena, which are produced by a complex pattern of environmental conditions interacting with the highly complex and variable make-up of living organisms.”[4]

The shift in causal models within epidemiologic thinking and research introduced new complexity with important practical implications. Gone was the one-to-one connection between pathogens (or pathogenic exposures) and specific diseases. Specificity was an important victim of the new model of causation. Causal models had to account for multi-factorial contributions to disease.[5] Confounding, the correlation between exposures of interest and other exposures that were truly driving the observations, became a substantial threat to validity. The discerning lens of analytical epidemiology was able to identify tobacco smoking as a cause of lung cancer only because of the large increased risks, ten-fold and greater, observed in multiple studies. There were no competing but independent risks of that magnitude, at hand, which could eliminate or reverse the observed tobacco risks.

Parascandola notes that in the 1950s, the criteria for causal assessment were in flux and the subject of debate:

“Previous informal rules or guides for inference, such as Koch’s postulates, were not adequate to identify partial causes of chronic disease based on a combination of epidemiologic and laboratory evidence.”[6]

As noted above, the legal implications of Parascandola’s historical analysis are hugely important.  Scientists and statisticians were scrambling to develop appropriate methodologies to accommodate the changed causal models and causal criteria. Mistakes were made along the way as the models and criteria changed. In Sir Richard Doll’s famous 1955 study of lung cancer among asbestos factory workers, the statistical methods were surprisingly primitive to modern epidemiology. Even more stunning was that Sir Richard failed to incorporate smoking histories and accounting for confounding from smoking before reaching a conclusion that lung cancer was associated with long-term asbestos factory work that had induced asbestosis.[7]

Not until the lae 1950s and early 1960s did statisticians develop multivariate models to help assess potential confounding.[8] Perhaps the most cited paper in epidemiology was published by Nathan Mantel (the pride of the Brooklyn Hebrew Orphan Asylum) and William Haenszel in 1959. Its approach to stratification of sample analyses was further elaborated upon by the authors and others all through the 1960s and into the 1970s.[9]

Similarly, the evolution of criteria for causal attribution based upon risk factor epidemiology required decades of discussion and debate. Reasonably well defined criteria did not emerge until the mid-1960s, with the famous Public Health Service report on smoking and lung cancer,[10] and Sir Austin Bradford Hill’s famous after-dinner talk to the Royal Society of Medicine.[11]

Several years before Parascandola published his historical analysis, three historians of science published a paper with a very similar thesis.[12] These authors noted that there was, indeed, a legitimate controversy over whether tobacco smoking caused lung cancer, in the 1950s early 1960s, as the mechanistic Koch’s postulates gave way to the statistical methods of risk-factor epidemiology. The historians’ paper observed that by the 1950s, infectious diseases such as tuberculosis were in retreat, and the public health community’s focus was on chronic diseases such as lung cancer. The lung cancer controversy of the 1950s pushed scientists to revise their conceptions of causation ,[13] and ultimately led to the strengthening of, and legitimizing, the field of epidemiology.[14] The growing acceptance of epidemiologic methods for identifying causes, neither necessary nor sufficient, pushed aside the attachment to Koch’s postulates and the skepticism over statistical reasoning.

Interestingly, this historians’ paper was funded completely by the Rollins Public Health of Emory University. Two of the authors had been sought out by a recruiting agency for the tobacco industry, but fell out with the agency and the tobacco companies when they realized that they could not support the litigation goals. In a footnote, the authors emphasized that their factual analysis and argument contradicted the industry’s desired defense.[15]

Reaching back even farther in time, there is the redoubtable Irving John Selikoff, who wrote in 1991:

“We are inevitably bound by the knowledge of the time in which we live. An example may be given. During the 1930s and 194Os, random instances of lung cancer occurring among workers exposed to asbestos were reported and attention was called to these by the collection of cases both in registers and in review papers. With the continued growth of the asbestos industry, it was deemed wise to epidemiologically examine the proposed association. This was done in an elegant, innovative, well-considered study by Richard Doll, a study which any one of us would have been proud to report in 1955.”[16]

What is ironic is that Dr. Selikoff had testified for plaintiffs’ counsel as an expert witness specifically on state of the art, or the question of when defendants should have known and warned that asbestos caused lung cancer.[17] Dr. Selikoff ultimately withdrew from testifying, in large part because his views on this matter were not particularly helpful to plaintiffs.

The shift in causal criteria, and rejection of case reports and case series, can be seen in the suggestion, in the 1930s, of a few pathologists who contended that silicosis caused lung cancer. The few scientists who made this causal claim relied upon heavily upon anecdotal and uncontrolled necropsy series.[18]

After World War II, these causal claims fell into disrepute as not properly supported by valid scientific methodology. Dr. Madge Thurlow Macklin, a female pioneer in clinical medicine and epidemiology,[19] and one the early adopters of statistical methodology in her work, debunked the causal claims:

“If silicosis is being considered as a causative agent in lung cancer, the control group should be as nearly like the experimental or observed group as possible in sex, age distribution, race, facilities for diagnosis, other possible carcinogenic factors, etc. The only point in which the control group should differ in an ideal study would be that they were not exposed to free silica, whereas the experimental group was. The incidence of lung cancer could then be compared in the two groups of patients.

This necessity is often ignored; and a ‘random’ control group is obtained for comparison on the assumption that any group taken at random is a good group for comparison. Fallacious results based on such studies are discussed briefly.”[20]

Macklin’s advice sounds like standard-operating procedure today, but in the 1940s, it was viewed as radical and wrong by many physicians and clinical scientists.

Of course, the change over time in the knowledge of, and techniques for, diagnostic methods, quantitative measurements, and disease definitions also affect litigated issues. The change in epistemic standards and causal criteria, however, fundamentally changed legal standards for tort liability. The shift from deterministic models of necessary and sufficient causation to risk factor causation had, and continues to have, enormous ramifications for the legal adjudication of questions concerning when companies, held to the knowledge of an expert in the field, should have started to warn about the risks created by their products. Mind the gap!


[1] Mark Parascandola, “The epidemiologic transition and changing concepts of causation and causal inference,” 64 Revue d’histoire des sciences 243 (2011).

[2] Id. at 245.

[3] Id. at 248.

[4] Id. at 252, citing Edward Cuyler Hammond, “Cause and Effect,” in Ernest L. Wynder, ed., The Biologic Effects of Tobacco (1955).

[5] Id. at 257.

[6] Id.

[7] Richard Doll, “Mortality from Lung Cancer in Asbestos Workers,” 12 Brit. J. Indus. Med. 81 (1955).

[8] See Parascandola at 258.

[9] Nathan Mantel & William Haenszel, “Statistical aspects of the analysis of data from retrospective studies of disease,” 22 J. Nat’l Cancer Instit. 19 (1959). See Mervyn Susser, “Epidemiology in the United States after World War II: The Evolution of Technique,” 7 Epidemiology Reviews 147 (1985).

[10] Surgeon General, Smoking and health : Report of the Advisory Committee to the surgeon general of the Public Health Service, PHS publication No. 1103 (1964).

[11] Austin Bradford Hill, “The Environment and Disease: Association or Causation?” 58 Proc. Royal Soc’y Med. 295, 295 (1965).

[12] Colin Talley, Howard I. Kushner & Claire E. Sterk, “Lung Cancer, Chronic Disease Epidemiology, and Medicine, 1948-1964,” 59 J. History Med. & Allied Sciences 329 (2004) [Talley]. Parascandola appeared not to have been aware of this article; at least he did not cite it.

[13] Id. at 374.

[14] Id. at 334.

[15] Id. at 329.

[16] Irving John Selikoff, “Statistical Compassion,” 44 J. Clin. Epidemiol. 141S, 142S (1991) (internal citations omitted) (emphasis added).

[17]Selikoff and the Mystery of the Disappearing Testimony,” (Dec. 3, 2010). See also Peter W.J. Bartrip, “Irving John Selikoff and the Strange Case of the Missing Medical Degrees,” 58 J. History Med. 3, 27 & n.88-92 (2003) (quoting insulator union President Andrew Haas, as saying “[w]e all owe a great debt of thanks for often and expert testimony on behalf of our members … .” Andrew Haas, Comments from the General President, 18 Asbestos Worker (Nov. 1972)).

[18] See, e.g., Max O. Klotz, “The Association Silicosis & Carcinoma of Lung 1939,” 35 Cancer Research 38 (1939); C.S. Anderson & J. Heney Dible, “Silicosis and carcinoma of the lung,” 38 J. Hygiene 185 (1938).

[19] Barry Mehler, “Madge Thurlow Macklin,” from Barbara Sicherman and Carl Hurd Green, eds., Notable American Women: The Modern Period 451-52 (1980); Laura Lynn WindsorWomen in Medicine: An Encyclopedia 134 (2002).

[20] Madge Thurlow Macklin, “Pitfalls in Dealing with Cancer Statistics, Especially as Related to Cancer of the Lung,” 14 Diseases Chest 525 532-33, 529-30 (1948). See alsoHistory of Silica Litigation – the Lung Cancer Angle,” (Feb. 3, 2019); “The Unreasonable Success of Asbestos Litigation,” (July 25, 2015); “Careless Scholarship about Silica History,” (July 21, 2014) (discussing David Egilman); “Silicosis, Lung Cancer, and Evidence-Based Medicine in North America,” (July 4, 2014).

Rule 702 is Liberal, Not Libertine; Epistemic, Not Mechanical

October 4th, 2021

One common criticism of expert witness gatekeeping after the Supreme Court’s Daubert decision has been that the decision contravenes the claimed “liberal thrust” of the Federal Rules of Evidence. The criticism has been repeated so often as to become a cliché, but its frequent repetition by lawyers and law professors hardly makes it true. The criticism fails to do justice to the range of interpretations of “liberal” in the English language, the context of expert witness common law, and the language of Rule 702, both before and after the Supreme Court’s Daubert decision.

The first problem with the criticism is that the word “liberal,” or the phrase “liberal thrust,” does not appear in the Federal Rules of Evidence. The drafters of the Rules did, however, set out the underlying purpose of the federal codification of common law evidence in Rule 102, with some care:

“These rules should be construed so as to administer every proceeding fairly, eliminate unjustifiable expense and delay, and promote the development of evidence law, to the end of ascertaining the truth and securing a just determination.”

Nothing could promote ascertaining truth and achieving just determinations more than eliminating weak and invalid scientific inference in the form of expert witness opinion testimony. Barring speculative, unsubstantiated, and invalid opinion testimony before trial certainly has the tendency to eliminate full trials, with their expense and delay. And few people would claim unfairness in deleting invalid opinions from litigation. If there is any “liberal thrust” in the purpose of the Federal Rules of Evidence, it serves to advance the truth-finding function of trials.

And yet some legal commentators go so far as to claim that Daubert was wrongly decided because it offends the “liberal thrust” of federal rules.[1] Of course, it is true that the Supreme Court spoke of basic standard of relevance in the Federal Rules as being a “liberal” standard.[2] And in holding that Rule 702 did not incorporate the so-called Frye general acceptance rule,[3] the Daubert Court observed that drafting history of Rule 702 failed to mention Frye, just before invoking liberal-thrust cliché:

“rigid ‘general acceptance’ requirement would be at odds with the ‘liberal thrust’ of the Federal Rules and their ‘general approach of relaxing the traditional barriers to ‘opinion testimony’.”[4]

The court went on to cite one district court judge famously hostile to expert witness gatekeeping,[5] and to the “permissive backdrop” of the Rules, in holding that the Rules did not incorporate Frye,[6] which it characterized as an “austere” standard.[7]

While the Frye standard may have been “austere,” it was also widely criticized. It was also true that the Frye standard was largely applied to scientific devices and not to the scientific process of causal inference. The Frye case itself addressed the admissibility of a systolic blood pressure deception test, an early attempt by William Marston to design a lasso of truth. When courts distinguished the Frye cases on grounds that they involved devices, not causal inferences, they left no meaningful standard in place.

As a procedural matter, the Frye general acceptance standard made little sense in the context of causal opinions. If the opinion itself was generally accepted, then of course it would have to be admitted. Indeed, if the proponent sought judicial notice of the opinion, a trial court would likely have to admit the opinion, and then bar any contrary opinion as not generally accepted.

To be sure, before the Daubert decision, defense counsel attempted to invoke the Frye standard in challenges to the underlying methodology used by expert witnesses to draw causal inferences. There were, however, few such applications. Although not exactly how Frye operated, the Supreme Court might have imagined that the Frye standard required all expert witness opinion testimony to be based on “sufficiently established and accepted scientific methods. The actual language of the 1923 Frye case provides some ambivalent support with its twilight zone standard:

“Just when a scientific principle or discovery crosses the line between the experimental and demonstrable stages is difficult to define. Somewhere in this twilight zone the evidential force of the principle must be recognized, and while the courts will go a long way in admitting expert testimony deduced from a well-recognized scientific principle or discovery, the thing from which the deduction is made must be sufficiently established to have gained general acceptance in the particular field in which it belongs.”[8]

There was always an interpretative difficulty in how exactly a trial court was supposed to poll the world’s scientific community to ascertain “general acceptance.” Moreover, the rule actually before the Daubert Court, Rule 702, spoke of “knowledge.” At best, “general acceptance,” whether of methods or of conclusions, was merely a proxy, and often a very inaccurate one for an epistemic basis for disputed claims or conclusions at issue in litigation.

In cases involving causal claims before Daubert, expert witness opinions received scant attention from trial judges as long as the proffered expert witness met the very minimal standard of expertise needed to qualify to give an opinion. Furthermore, Rule 705 relieved expert witnesses of having to provide any bases for their opinions on direct examination. The upshot was that the standard for admissibility was authoritarian, not epistemic. If the proffered witness had a reasonable pretense to expertise, then the proffering party could parade him or her as an “authority,” on whose opinion the jury could choose to rely in its fact finding. Given this context, any epistemic standard would be “liberal” in freeing the jury or fact finder from the yoke of authoritarian expert witness ipse dixit.

And what exactly is the “liberal” in all this thrusting over Rule 702? Most dictionaries report that the word “liberal” traces back to the Latin liber, meaning “free.” The Latin word is thus the root of both liberty and libertine. One of the major, early uses of the adjective liberal was in the phrase “liberal arts,” meant to denote courses of study freed from authority, dogmas, and religious doctrine. The primary definition provided by the Oxford English Dictionary emphasizes this specific meaning:

“1. Originally, the distinctive epithet of those ‘arts’ or ‘sciences’ (see art 7) that were considered ‘worthy of a free man’; opposed to servile or mechanical.  … . Freq. in liberal arts.”

The Frye general acceptance standard was servile in the sense of its deference to others who were the acceptors, and it was mechanical in its reducing a rule that called for “knowledge” into a formula for nose-counting among the entire field in which an expert witness was testifying. In this light, the Daubert Court’s decision is obvious.

To be sure, the OED provides other subordinate or secondary definitions for “liberal,” such 3c:

Of construction or interpretation: Inclining to laxity or indulgence; not rigorous.”

Perhaps this definition would suggest that a liberal interpretation of Rule 702 would lead to reject the Frye standard because it was rigorous in determining admissibility on a rigid proxy determination that was not necessarily tied to the rule’s requirement of knowledge. Of course, knowledge or epistemic criteria in the Rule imply a different sort of rigor, one that is not servile or mechanical.

The epistemic criterion built into the original Rule 702, and carried forward in every amendment, accords with the secondary meanings given by the OED:

4. a. Free from narrow prejudice; open-minded, candid.

  1. esp. Free from bigotry or unreasonable prejudice in favour of traditional opinions or established institutions; open to the reception of new ideas or proposals of reform.”

The Daubert case represented a step in direction of the classically liberal goal of advancing the truth-finding function of trials. The counter-revolution of let it all in, under the guise of finding challenges to expert witness opinion as going to “weight not admissibility,” or to inventing “presumptions of admissibility” should be seen for what they are: retrograde and illiberal movements in jurisprudential progress.


[1] See, e.g., Michael H. Graham, “The Expert Witness, Predicament: Determining ‘Reliable’ Under the Gatekeeping Test of Daubert, Kumho, and Proposed Amended Rule 702 of the Federal Rules of Evidence,” 54 U. Miami L. Rev. 317, 321 (2000) (“Daubert is a very incomplete case, if not a very bad decision. It did not, in any way, accomplish what it was meant to, i.e., encourage more liberal admissibility of expert witness evidence.”)

[2] Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharms., Inc., 509 U.S. 579,587 (1993).

[3] Frye v. United States, 293 F. 1013 (D.C. Cir. 1923).

[4] Id. at 588, citing Beech Aircraft Corp. v. Rainey, 488 U. S. 153, 169 (citing Rules 701 to 705); see also Edward J. Imwinkelried, “A Brief Defense of the Supreme Court’s Approach to the Interpretation of the Federal Rules of Evidence,” Indiana L. Rev. 267, 294 (1993)(writing of the “liberal structural design” of the Federal Rules).

[5] Jack B. Weinstein, “Rule 702 of the Federal Rules of Evidence is Sound; It Should Not Be Amended,” 138 F. R. D. 631 (1991) (“The Rules were designed to depend primarily upon lawyer-adversaries and sensible triers of fact to evaluate conflicts”).

[6] Daubert at 589.

[7] Id.

[8] Frye v. United States, 54 App. D.C. 46, 293 F. 1013 (1923).

Expert Witness Reports Are Not Admissible

August 23rd, 2021

The tradition of antic proposals to change the law of evidence is old and venerable in the common law. In the early 19th century, Jeremy Bentham deviled the English bench and bar with sweeping proposals to place evidence law on a rationale foundation. Bentham’s contributions to his contributions to jurisprudence, like his utilitarianism, often ignored the realities of human experience and decision making. Although Bentham contributed little to the actual workings of courtroom law and procedure, he gave rise to a tradition of antic proposals that have long entertained law professors and philosophers.[1]

Bentham seemingly abhorred tradition, but his writings have given rise to a tradition of antic proposals in the law. Expert witness testimony was uncommon in the early 19th century, but today, hardly a case is tried without expert witnesses. We should not be surprised, therefore, by the rise of antic proposals for reforming the evidence law of expert witness opinion testimony.[2]

A key aspect of the Bentham tradition is ignore the actual experience and conduct of human affairs. And so now we have a proposal to shorten trials by foregoing direct examination of expert witnesses, and admitting the expert witnesses’ reports into evidence.[3] The argument contends that since the Rule 26 report requires disclosure of all the expert witnesses’ substantive opinions and all bases for their opinions, the witnesses’ viva voce testimony is merely a recital of the report. The argument proceeds that reports can be helpful in understanding complex issues and in moving trials along more efficiently.

As much as all lawyers want to promote “understanding,” and make trials more efficient, the argument fails on multiple levels. First, judges can read the expert witness reports, in bench or in jury trials, to help themselves prepare for trial, without admitting the reports into evidence. Second, the rules of evidence, which are binding upon trial judges in both bench and jury trials, require that the testimony be helpful, not the reports. Third, the argument ignores that for the last several years, the federal rules have allowed lawyers to draft reports to a large extent, without any discovery into whose phraseology appears in a final report.

Even before the federal rules created an immunity to discovery into who drafted specific language of an expert report, it was not uncommon to find that there at least some parts of an expert witness’s report that did not accurately summarize the witness’s views at the time he or she gave testimony. Often the process of discovery caused expert witnesses to modify their reports, whether through skillful inquiry at deposition, or through the submission of adversarial reports, or through changes in the evidentiary display between drafting the report and testifying at trial.

In other words, expert witnesses’ testimony rarely comes out exactly as it appears in words in Rule 26 reports. Furthermore, reports may be full of argumentative characterization of facts, which fail to survive routine objections and cross-examination. What is represented as a fact or a factual predicate of an opinion may never be cited in testimony because the expert’s representation was always false or hyperbolic. The expert witnesses are typically not percipient witnesses, and any alleged fact would not be admissible, under Rule 703, simply because it appeared in an expert witness’s report. Indeed, Rule 703 makes clear that expert witnesses can rely upon inadmissible hearsay as long as experts in their fields reasonably would do so in the ordinary course of their professions.

Voir dire of charts, graphs, and underlying data may result in large portions of an expert report becoming inadmissible. Not every objection will be submitted as a motion in limine; and not every objection rises to the level of a Rule 702 or 703 pre-trial motion to exclude the expert witness. Foundational lapses or gaps may render some parts of reports to be inadmissible.

The argument for admitting reports as evidence reflects a trend toward blowsy, frowsy jurisprudence. Judges should be listening carefully to testimony, both direct and cross, from expert witnesses. They will have transcripts at their disposal. Although the question and answer format of direct examination may take some time, it ensures the orderly presentation of admissible testimony.

Given that testimony often turns out differently from the unqualified statements in a pre-trial report, the proposed admissibility of reports will create evidentiary chaos when there a disparity between report and testimony, or there is a failure to elicit as testimony something that is stated in the report. Courts and litigants need an unequivocal record of what is in evidence when moving for striking testimony, or for directed verdicts, new trials, or judgments notwithstanding the verdict.

The proposed abridgement of expert witness direct examinations would allow further gaming by not calling an expert witness once the witness’s report has been filed. Expert witnesses may conveniently become unavailable, after their reports have been admitted into evidence.

In multi-district litigations, the course of litigation may take years and even decades. Reports filed early on may not reflect current views or the current state of the science. Deeming filed reports “admissible” could have a significant potential to subvert accurate fact finding.

In Ake v. General Motors Corp.[4], Chief Judge Larimer faced a plaintiff who sought to offer in evidence a report written by plaintiffs’ expert witness, who was scheduled to testify at trial. The trial court held, however, that the report was inadmissible hearsay, for which no exception was available.[5] The report at issue was not a business record, which might be admissible under Rule 803(6), in that it did not record events made at or near the event at issue, and the event did not involve the expert witness’s regularly conducted business activity.

There are plenty of areas of the law in which reforms are helpful and necessary. The formality of presenting an expert witness’s actual opinions, under oath, in open court, subject to objections and challenges, needs no abridgement.


[1] See, e.g., William Twining, “Bentham’s Theory of Evidence: Setting a Context,” 20 J. Bentham Studies 18 (2019); Kenneth M. Ehrenberg, “Less Evidence, Better Knowledge,” 2 McGill L.J. 173 (2015); Laird C. Kirkpatrick, “Scholarly and Institutional Challenges to the Law of Evidence: From Bentham to the ADR Movement,” 25 Loyola L.A. L. Rev. 837 (1992); Frederick N. Judson, “A Modern View of the Law Reforms of Jeremy Bentham,” 10 Columbia L. Rev. 41 (1910).

[2] SeeExpert Witness Mining – Antic Proposals for Reform” (Nov. 4, 2014).

[3] Roger J. Marzulla, “Expert Reports: Objectionable Hearsay or Admissible Evidence in a Bench Trial?” A.B.A.(May 17, 2021).

[4] 942 F.Supp. 869 (W.D.N.Y. 1996).

[5] Ake v. General Motors Corp., 942 F.Supp. 869, 877 (W.D.N.Y. 1996).

Crying Wolf Projected

August 10th, 2021

Over the years ago, I have written about David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, two academic historians, who testify a lot for the lawsuit industry, mostly in asbestos cases, but also in cases involving exposures to lead, silica, and vinyl chloride. Rosner and fellow-traveller Markowitz, or Rosnowitz for short, are fond of telling two stories: (1) how some suspect organization tried to recruit them to testify for hire for defendants in litigation, and (2) how I had the audacity to criticize their suspect historical scholarship about silica, silicosis, and silica litigation.[1]

I was shocked (really) to find that Rosner and Markowitz were at the center of recruiting historians for hire to write attacks on opponents of their socialist ideology, but both historians sit, or have sat, on the Project Advisory Board of the Cry Wolf Project. Back in 2010, this “project” was engaged in hiring historians to write white papers (or should they be “rainbow papers”) to stop or discredit “progressive policy” options.[2] Imagine that: historians for hire by the Left.

Lest you think that the Cry Wolf Project is some innocent group of social justice warriors, you should know that the project has a Nixonian or Stalinist (take your pick) enemies list of “culprits,” including:

Academics
American Medical Association
American Petroleum Institute
American Textile Manufacturers Institute
Business Roundtable
Chamber of Commerce
Conservative media
Democrats
Energy Industry
Financial Institutions
Food Industry
Mainstream media
National Association of Manufacturers (NAM)
National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB)
National Grain and Feed Association
Republicans
Think tanks

No surprise, but the Crying Wolf Project is the darling of socialist academicians. Jake Blumgart, a researcher for the Cry Wolf Project, attempted to explain:

“Progressives need to construct a counter-narrative that demonstrates that in many cases these claims [of conservatives] have been, and continue to be, grossly exaggerated. The Cry Wolf Project’s wants media, opinion leaders, and policy makers to respond ‘There they go again!’ when industry ‘cries wolf.’ Such a refrain will undermine the credibility and arguments of organizations.”[3]

Ah, attacking the messenger; manufacturing doubt; and projecting bad motives and psychological weaknesses upon opponents. Almost full-bore Trumpism. In our current tribalist politics, the extent to which both sides impute their own motives to other tribes is fascinating.

And who is this “Talking Union,” for which Jake Blumgart writes? According to its website, Talking Union is:

“a project of the labor network of Democratic Socialists of America. We will report on the activities and views of DSA and Young Democratic Socialists of America labor activists. We seek to be a place for a broad range of labor activists to discuss ideas for the renewal and strengthening of the labor movement.”

And in this daisy-chain of institutional affiliations, who are the “Democratic Socialists of America”? With thanks to Al Gore for having the invented the internet, we can find an answer quickly. The Democratic Socialists of America is an organization, indeed, it is:

“the largest socialist organization in the United States, with over 92,000 members and chapters in all 50 states. We believe that working people should run both the economy and society democratically to meet human needs, not to make profits for a few.

We are a political and activist organization, not a party; through campus and community-based chapters, DSA members use a variety of tactics, from legislative to direct action, to fight for reforms that empower working people.

The Democratic Socialists of America is the largest socialist organization in the United States because we’re a member-driven mass organization. We believe that working people should run both the economy and civil society, and we show our commitment to this principle by being an organization of, by, and for the working class.”

I have quoted at length from the Democratic Socialists’ website to make clear that this is not an organization that simply a group of “progressives”; they are activists who are engaged in what they conceive of as class warfare. In their own words, they would limit democracy to those people who fit their definition of working people, and that the interests of the “working class” are paramount. At times, there may be only a thin line between trying to tame the excesses of capitalism, such as employer’s failures to protect workers, and outright communism. The Democratic Socialists are quite open about what side of the line they occupy. The apparent commitment to democracy appears to be a sham; not everyone is entitled to run the economy and society, only “working people” are.

There is no democracy in the worldview of the “Democratic Socialists”; the line between its stated goals and those of Marxism is imaginary.[4] Just as Trump has a man crush on Putin, socialist George Bernard Shaw had one on Stalin,[5] Kulaks be damned.

From the Crying Wolf Project, with its counter-narratives, we have traced the ideology to the Talking Union, to the Democratic Socialists of America, to Marxism.

Well, I have had friends who were Marxists, and I would not advocate that Marxists should be kept from teaching in universities, or that Marxists should not enjoy the same freedom of speech and association that we all enjoy. Marxists, however, have an ideological commitment to historical materialism, by which everything can be, and must be, explained by class conflict. Given these commitments, can Marxist historians testify in litigation that involves what they perceive to be class interests and an opportunity to “empower” working class claimants? It would seem that positional commitments to the interests of the “work class” create conscious and unconscious biases when exploring historical issues that touch on labor-management issues.

Lawyers are accustomed to, and know how to exploit, bias that results from money, institutional loyalties, and friendships.[6] And yet, there are real conflicts of interest generated by scientists’ affiliations with advocacy groups, labor unions, or the lawsuit industry, not to mention their deeply held political commitments.[7] The ideological commitments revealed by the writings of the website sponsored by the Democratic Socialists of America should raise questions about expert witnesses who have deep ties to the group.

Historians would seem particularly vulnerable to biased assessment of whether knowledge of hazards was shared by industry and labor, as well as their respective industrial hygiene advisors, governmental actors, academia, and the medical community. Nonetheless, the case books are notably absent of precedents about discovery into political commitments, whereas the cases about discovery of fees, income, and percentages of defense versus plaintiffs’ work are legion.


[1]Succès de scandale – With Thanks to Rosner & Markowitz” (Mar. 26, 2017). See D. Rosner & G. Markowitz, “The Trials and Tribulations of Two Historians: Adjudicating Responsibility for Pollution and Personal Harm, 53 Medical History 271, 280-81 (2009); D. Rosner & G. Markowitz, “L’histoire au prétoire. Deux historiens dans les procès des maladies professionnelles et environnementales,” 56 Revue D’Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine 227, 238-39 (2009); David Rosner, “Trials and Tribulations:  What Happens When Historians Enter the Courtroom,” 72 Law & Contemporary Problems 137, 152 (2009); David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, “The Historians of Industry” Academe (Nov. 2010).

[2]Counter Narratives for Hire” (Dec. 13, 2010). Other members of the Project Advisory Board include Robert Kuttner (co-founder & co-editor, American Prospect), Alice O’Connor (Univ. California, Santa Barbara), Janice Fine (Rutgers Univ.), Andrea M. Hricko (Southern California Envt’l Health Sciences Center), Jennifer Klein (Yale Univ.), Meg Jacobs, (Mass. Instit. Tech.), William Forbath (Univ. Texas Law School), Tom Sugrue (Univ. Pennsylvania), and Lizabeth Cohen (Harvard Univ.).

[3] Jake Blumgart, “Introducing The Cry Wolf Project,” Talking Union (June 17, 2011).

[4] Staff, “Academia’s latest propaganda factory, the ‘Cry Wolf’ project,” San Francisco Examiner (June 11, 2010).

[5] Fintan O’Toole, “Why George Bernard Shaw Had a Crush on Stalin,” N.Y. Times (Sept. 11, 1017).

[6] Sahana Pal, “Establishing Bias in an Expert Witness: The What, Why and How,” 14 Internat’l Commentary on Evid. 43 (2016); Anthony F. Della Pelle & Richard P. De Angelis, Jr., “Proving Positional Bias: How much discovery should be permitted of an expert witness’s financial interests?A.B.A. Litigation Comm. (April 20, 2011); Michael H. Graham, “Impeaching the Professional Expert Witness by a Showing of Financial Interest,” 53 Indiana L. J. 35 (1977).

[7]Can Expert Bias and Prejudice Disqualify a Witness From Testifying?” (Oct. 11, 2014).

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s Mangling of Causal Apportionment for Contribution

July 30th, 2021

After the advent of hyperstrict products liability law in the 1960s, Pennsylvania law fell into the trap of treating liability as joint and several, based upon pro rata, or per capita contribution. The Pennsylvania regime worked a tremendous hardship and unfairness, especially in the context of asbestos personal injury cases. If there were 10 companies sued in a mesothelioma case, each would be responsible under a molded verdict for a 10 percent share. This per capita molding would take place even if an non-settling defendant contributed less than1 percent of the asbestos exposure, and another, settled (or bankrupt) defendant was causally responsible for 50 percent of the friable asbestos in the workplace. Similarly, the per capita shares would be imposed even in a mesothelioma case involving one defendant that manufactured a crocidolite product that was 99.9 % causally responsible for the plaintiff’s demise.

In 2011, Pennsylvania enacted the Fair Share Act, which was remedial legislation designed to mitigate the unfairness of joint and several liability in mass, and other, tort litigation by abrogating joint and several liability in favor of apportionment of shares among multiple defendants, including settled defendants.[1]

Although the statute stated the general rule in terms of negligence,[2] the Act was clearly intended to apply to actions for so-called strict liability:

“(1) Where recovery is allowed against more than one person, including actions for strict liability, and where liability is attributed to more than one defendant, each defendant shall be liable for that proportion of the total dollar amount awarded as damages in the ratio of the amount of that defendant’s liability to the amount of liability attributed to all defendants and other persons to whom liability is apportioned under subsection.”[3]

The obvious point of the Fair Share Act was to require courts to mold verdicts among so-called joint tortfeasors by their relative, comparative contribution to the plaintiffs’ harm.[4]  Although the Act carved out exceptions for intentional torts and for cases in which a defendant receives 60% or greater share in the apportionment, the run-of-the mine asbestos case fell squarely under the scope of the Act’s remedial purpose.[5]

The 2011 Pennsylvania remedial legislation sought to reform the state’s wooden approach by reintroducing apportioned contribution to join and several liability.

In Roverano v. John Crane, the Pennsylvania trial judge fell under the ever-present spell of asbestos exceptionalism, when he refused to apply Fair Share Act, suggesting that “the jury was not presented with evidence that would permit an apportionment to be made by it.” The trial judge’s conclusory suggestion ignored the trial proofs, which would have given the jury ample basis for apportioning, given that the plaintiff had been exposed to different asbestos products in distinguishable amounts, and for distinguishable durations.[6] Furthermore, asbestos products have distinguishable, relative levels of friability, with different levels of respirable fiber exposure for the plaintiff.  As noted, in mesothelioma cases, the products will inevitably contain different kinds of asbestos minerals – crocidolite, amostie, or chrysotile – which have distinguishable and relatively different levels of potency to cause the plaintiff’s specific disease. Asbestos cases, whether involving asbestosis, lung cancer, or mesothelioma claims, are more amenable to apportionment of shares among co-defendants than are “red car / blue car” cases.

Riding in on a ray of light, the Pennsylvania Superior Court reversed the trial court’s asbestos exceptionalism, and held that upon remand, the court must:

“[a]pply a non-per capita allocation to negligent joint tortfeasors and strict liability joint tortfeasors; and permit evidence of settlements reached between plaintiffs and bankrupt entities to be included in the calculation of allocation of liability.”[7]

The lawsuit industry was riled by the intermediate appellate court’s decision.[8] Plaintiffs counsel like per capita – equal – shares because it allows them to settle with strong adversaries, which funds their trials against weaker or recalcitrant defendants. If they lose, they lose; but if they win, they have minimized the offsets for the large contributors to their clients’ harms. The regime of equal pro capita contribution also allows to extort large settlements from minor defendants. The force behind this extortion is amplifed by the inability of all sued defendants to obtain offsets for the shares of settled or non-sued bankrupt defendants.

The Roverano plaintiff appealed from the Superior Court’s straightforward application of a remedial statute. At oral argument, Justice Baer invoked the specter of “junk science” appearing before juries in the form of evidencce for apportioned shares:[9]

“Respectfully, your theory is interjecting junk science. We’ve never held that duration of contact corresponds with culpability.”[10]

Six of the seven justices on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, however, did not see the light on apportionment.[11] Although the majority allowed the bankrupts, whether sued or not, to be placed on the verrdict sheet for a potential offset to the liability of the judgment defendants, the Court held that the Fair Share Act did “not specifically preempt Pennsylvania common law favoring per capita apportionment, and percentage apportionment in asbestos cases is impossible of execution.”[12]

The majority in Roverano demonstrated a singular lack of understanding of the record evidence, and the law of apportionment. Perhaps the Court’s best defense was that it was snuckered by the professional testifier, Dr. Arthur Frank, who described all asbestos diseases as “dose responsive, meaning that as the dose of asbestos increases so does the likelihood of disease.”[13] Frank proffered an obscurantist explanation:

“[T]here is scientifically or medically no exposures you can leave out that make up the cumulative exposure. It is the totality of the exposure that comes from the variety of products that people are exposed to that give them their cancer and all of the exposures they have day after day end up increasing their risk and if they get the disease, you have to say it was in part causative of it.”[14]

Frank thus concluded that each product that increased Mr. Roverano’s exposure to asbestos contributed to his risk of developing lung cancer. Frank’s opinions beg the question whether each product contributed to plaintiff’s risk of developing cancer in proportion to that product’s contribution to the total, cumulative fiber burden in the tissue that became malignant.

The defense causation expert witnesses, Dr. Alan Pope and Dr. James Crapo, both testified that Roverano had no increased risk for lung cancer, given that he did not have evidence of asbestosis, which is a prerequisite for being asbestos-caused lung cancer. Both of these defense expert witnesses attributed Roverano’s lung cancer to his tobacco use. Crapo, however, apparently conceded on cross-examination that “if a variety of asbestos products combined to cause a disease, the individual exposures cannot be separated, but nonetheless low-level exposures would not be a factor.”[15]

The disagreements between the parties’ physician expert witnesses were irrelevant to the apportionment issue. Although they disagreed whether there was a threshold for asbestos-related lung cancer, they all agreed that when asbestos caused lung cancer, it did so in a dose-dependent fashion, which would have been the useful predicate for the trier of fact to assess how much each defendant or non-party bankrupt was responsible for the cumulative dose.

The trial defendants each presented expert witnesses in the field of industrial hygiene. Counsel for Brand Insulation called Patrick Rafferty, who opined that Roverano’s asbestos exposure was within the range of normal, outdoor, ambient environmental levels. Apparently, Rafferty made no attempt to estimate the amount of the total exposure, such as it was, which came from Brand Insulation products. This estimation certainly would have been within an industrial hygienist’s competence in assessing historical workplace fiber counting data.

John Crane called Frederick Toca to testify, as both an industrial hygiene and a toxicologist. According to John Crane’s brief, Toca provided a quantification of asbestos fiber release from Crane’s packing material between .005 and .01 fiber/cubic centimeter, which is at or below the level of asbestos found in the ambient air. Toca further offered that Mr. Roverano’s asbestos exposure from the use of insulation materials had been as high as 30 to 100 f/cc. (R. 622a, Tr. 59.) The published opinion, and the parties’ briefs, are unclear as to whether the defense industrial hygienists provided an estimate of the trial defendants’ products to the “cumulative” exposure experience by plaintiff. The record appears to suggest that there was no dispute that the trial defendants’ products contributed a very small fraction of 1 percent of the total.

If the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s decision is correct, Toca testified to a conclusion that “the asbestos-containing thermal insulating products combined with cigarette smoking were responsible for the increased risk of lung cancer.”[16] Without the full record, I cannot verify the accuracy of this statement, but curiously I could not find any reference to such testimony in the plaintiff’s or the defendants’ briefs. In addition, the reference to Toca in plaintiff’s brief emphasized Toca’s acknowledgement that he was not a physician, and that he was not giving a medical causation opinion. (RR 625a; N.T. p. 78).

If the majority opinion is correct, then John Crane’s calling a non-physician toxicologist to disagree with its well-qualified pulmonary physician expert, Dr. Crapo, was an astonishing and puzzling move. Some would even call it a stunningly stupid act of self-immolation. Worse yet, Toca is not credited with having any basis for his causation opinion, which is against the weight of epidemiologic evidence. Even with this curious defense-sponsored opinion from Dr. Toca, there was no dissent or disagreement that asbestos-related lung cancers were dose-related outcomes, which would be the basis for a risk-based causal apportionment.

No expert witness identified a “fingerprint” of causation that permitted the plaintiff’s lung cancer to be attributed to asbestos, smoking, or a combination of the two. The testimony at trial was about “risk,” with the glib assumption that the cumulative risk resulted in the lung cancer, and that all the cumulative risk was involved. The cumulative risk, however, was proportional to the amount and duration of asbestos exposures from their various sources.

The incoherence of the Roverano majority opinion is aggravated by the failure to recognize the lack of any meaningful, legal distinction between so-called strict liability failure to warn and negligence.[17] Furthermore, with respect to culpability, juries make difficult quantitative assessments of fault based upon non-quantitative evidence in myriad of circumstances. Apportionment based upon causal contribution in proportion to friable asbestos exposure would be simple and straightforward by comparison.

At the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, only dissenting Chief Justice Saylor “got it.” Although he agreed that the non-party bankrupt companies should have been on the verdict sheet, the Chief Justice pointedly dissented from the majority’s cribbed reading of a remedial statute, and the majority’s “inertia” in the face of a clear legislative mandate to implement a “fair share” comparative responsibility regime, which takes into account both “causal” responsibility and fault (when proven at trial). The dissent is worthy of extensive quotation, especially given the Chief Justice’s recognition of the majority’s failure to understand the risk-based reasoning that was used at trial to claim causation:

“I also respectfully disagree with the majority’s conclusion that comparative apportionment of liability is impossible in asbestos cases. *** I have previously observed that, in light of the immense uncertainties involved in assessing actual, product-specific causation in many asbestos cases, the courts have come to accept abstract assessments of increased risk as proxies for traditional substantial-factor causation. [citing to his dissent in Rost v. Ford Motor Co., 637 Pa. 625, 151 A.3d 559 1032, 1057 (2016); and to the majority opinion’s reliance upon plaintiff’s own risk-based analysis] Along these lines, because of all of the impediments to any sort of rational determination of dose in long-latency, toxic tort cases involving frequently undocumented, unquantified, and sometimes small exposures to many different sources of asbestos occurring long ago in the past, the platitude that ‘[r]ough approximation is no substitute for justice’, Majority Opinion, at 542 (citation omitted), becomes quite meaningless in the asbestos litigation landscape. In this respect, I submit that ‘rough approximation’ is at best a generous characterization for what occurs on a routine basis in asbestos-related trials in Pennsylvania and elsewhere.

Given that risk-based assessments are being accepted to support jury determinations of substantial-factor causation, I see no reason why the same litmus cannot be employed to support comparative responsibility assessments by jurors, as the Fair Share Act plainly contemplates. [citing statute] By way of example, as I read the statute, it was intended to permit a factfinder to apportion liability differently between a manufacturer of loose insulation containing friable, amphibole asbestos to which a plaintiff may have been exposed on a daily basis in an industrial workplace for decades, and a local auto parts store which may have carried brake shoes (among its inventory of thousands of other products) containing asbestos encapsulated in resin, which the same plaintiff may have occasionally installed on his personal vehicles.

Furthermore, the majority’s analysis appears to overlook that apportionment assessments are generally imprecise ones in many contexts, but they are nevertheless routinely entrusted to jurors. [citing briefs].”[18]

Chief Saylor’s dissent embarrasses the shaky scholarship of the majority’s opinion. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court had previously affirmed the proposition that “liability attaches to a negligent act only to the degree that the negligent act caused the employee’s injury.”[19] Asbestos litigation has been around for a long time in Pennsylvania, and elsewhere. The Roverano decision will help it stay around longer still.[20] On the reviewed evidence, the trial defendants should have been liable either for nothing or for a very small fraction of one percent of the total damages.


[1] 42 Pa.C.S.A. § 7102.

[2] 42 Pa.C.S.A. § 7102(a).

[3] 42 Pa.C.S.A. § 7102(a)(1) (emphasis added).

[4] 42 Pa.C.S.A. § 7102(a)(2).

[5] 42 Pa.C.S.A. § 7102 (a)(3)(ii), (iii).

[6]Apportionment and Pennsylvania’s Fair Share Act” (Mar. 14, 2019).

[7] Roverano v. John Crane, 2017 Pa. Super. 415, 177 A.3d 892 (2017).

[8] See Max Mitchell, “Pa. Justices Express Wariness of ‘Junk Science’ in Applying Fair Share Act,” (Mar. 6, 2019).

[9] Id.

[10] Id.

[11] Roverano v. John Crane Inc. , 226 A.3d 526 (Pa. 2020).

[12] Id. at 527. The Court cited a two-decade old decision in Baker v. AC & S, 562 Pa. 290, 755 A.2d 664 (2000), in which it relied upon a trial court’s explanation that the jury had no evidence upon which the it could apportion liability. “The plaintiff’s testimony was clear and unequivocal that asbestos exposure from individual products cannot be quantified. The defendants presented no evidence to the contrary.”

[13] Id. at 529 (internal citations omitted).

[14] Id. at 530.

[15] Id. at 530-31 (“If they are all part of something he used substantially and contributed to the dose in a major way, then, no, I couldn’t separate them out.”).

[16] Id. at 531.

[17] Justice Wecht concurred in part to emphasize that “[t]he only coherent way to assign unequal shares of liability among multiple defendants is to assess relative blameworthiness, and that leads inevitably to considerations indistinguishable from fault.” Id. at 549-50. Because the Pennsylvania courts have persisted in ignoring the equivalence between strict liability failure to warn and negligence, Justice Wecht felt he had to concur.

[18] Id. at 558-59.

[19] Dale v. Baltimore & Ohio RR., 520 Pa. 96, 106, 552 A.2d 1037, 1041 (1989). See also McAllister v. Pennsylvania RR., 324 Pa. 65, 69-70, 187 A. 415, 418 (1936) (holding that plaintiff’s impairment, and pain and suffering, can be apportioned between two tortious causes; plaintiff need not separate damages with exactitude); Shamey v. State Farm Mutual Auto. Ins. Co., 229 Pa. Super. 215, 223, 331 A.2d 498, 502 (1974) (citing, and relying upon, Restatement (Second) of Torts Section 433A; difficulties in proof do not constitute sufficient reason to hold a defendant liable for the damage inflicted by another person). Pennsylvania law is in accord with the law of other states as well, on apportionment. See Waterson v. General Motors Corp., 111 N.J. 238, 544 A.2d 357 (1988) (holding that a strict liability claim against General Motors for an unreasonably dangerous product defect was subject to apportionment for contribution from failing to wear a seat belt) (the jury’s right to apportion furthered the public policy of properly allocating the costs of accidents and injuries).

[20] James Insco and Matthew Deluzio, “Pennsylvania Asbestos Ruling Helps Extend Claims To Bankrupt Entities,” Law360 (March 10, 2020).

Finding Big Blue

July 26th, 2021

The Washington Supreme Court recently upheld an $81.5 million verdict, against GPC and NAPA, in an asbestos peritoneal mesothelioma case. The award included $30 million for loss of consortium. Coogan v. Borg-Warner Morse Tec Inc., 12 Wash. App. 2d 1021, 2020 WL 824192 (2020), rev’d in part, No. 98296-1, 2021 Wash. LEXIS 383 *, 2021 WL 2835358 (Wash. July 8, 2021).[1] The main points of contention on appeal were plaintiffs’ counsel’s misconduct and the excessiveness of the verdict, which was for only compensatory damages. Twelve defendants settled before trial for a total of $4.4 million. Of the settling defendants, Defendant Manville paid $1.5 million.

Plaintiffs’ proofs against GPC and NAPA were for chrysotile exposure from their brake and clutch parts used by Coogan. Not surprisingly, given that Coogan died of peritoneal mesothelioma, there was a strong suspicion of crocidolite exposure from Manville’s transite product over the course of two years.  Apparently, GPC and NAPA failed to show that Coogan was exposed to crocidolite, even though the workplace was small and other workers had succumbed to asbestos disease.

While the court’s opinion on misconduct and the excessiveness of the verdict are of interest, the most interesting part of the story is what was not told. It is hard to imagine that defense counsel did not try hard to establish the workplace exposures to Manville’s transite. What is not clear is why they failed. Obviously, Manville took the threat seriously enough to pay a significant sum to settle the case before trial. Why could GPC and NAPA not prove at trial what Manville knew?  Were GPC and NAPA the victims of budgetary pressures or limited resources, or were they misled or stonewalled by plaintiffs’ counsel or co-workers?

Given the propensity for crocidolite, such as was used in Manville’s transite, to cause mesothelioma, and especially peritoneal mesothelioma, the trial defendants certainly had an adequate motivation to investigate and to document the crocidolite exposure. 

A recent, large, long-term cohort study in Denmark showed that vehicle mechanics, who use brake linings and clutch parts, as did Coogan, have no increased risk of mesothelioma. Compared with other workers, automobile mechanics actually had a lower than expect risk of mesothelioma or pleural cancer, with an age-adjusted hazard ratio of HR=0.74 (95% CI 0.55 to 0.99)), based upon 47 cases.[2]

The Danish study is in accord with previous studies and meta-analyses,[3] and stands in stark contrast with the epidemiology of mesothelioma among men and women exposed to crocidolite. By way of example, in a cohort of British workers who assembled gas masks during World War II, close to 9% of all deaths were due to mesothelioma.[4] In a published cohort study of workers at Hollingsworth & Vose, a company that made the filters for the Kent cigarette, close to 18 percent of all deaths were due to mesothelioma.[5]

Dr. Irving Selikoff and his colleagues worked assiduously to obscure the vast potency difference between chrysotile and crocidolite, by arguing falsely that crocidolite was not used in the United States,[6] and by suppressing their own research into disease at the Johns-Manville plant that manufactured transite and other products. What is interesting about the Coogan case is what has not been reported. Crocidolite is clearly the most potent cause of mesothelioma.[7] Even if chrysotile were to have posed a risk to someone such as Mr. Coogan, crocidolite exposure, even for just two years, likely represented multiple orders of magnitude greater risk for peritoneal mesothelioma. Without evidence that Coogan was exposed to crocidolite from Mansville’s transite, the manufacturers of brake and clutch parts were unable to seek an apportionment between exposures from their chrysotile and Mansville’s crocidolite. Trying the so-called chrysotile defense is more difficult without being able to show substantial amphibole asbestos exposure.  The bar, both plaintiffs’ and defendants’, could learn a great deal from what efforts were made to establish the crocidolite exposure, why they were unsuccessful, and how the efforts might go better in the future.


[1] Kirk Hartley kindly called my attention to this interesting case.

[2] Reimar Wernich Thomsen, Anders Hammerich Riis, Esben Meulengracht Flachs, David H Garabrant, Jens Peter Ellekilde Bonde, and Henrik Toft Sørensen, “Risk of asbestosis, mesothelioma, other lung disease or death among motor vehicle mechanics: a 45-year Danish cohort study,” Thorax (July 8, 2021), online ahead of print at <doi: 10.1136/thoraxjnl-2020-215041>.

[3] David H. Garabrant, Dominik D. Alexander, Paula E. Miller, Jon P. Fryzek, Paolo Boffetta, M. Jane Teta, Patrick A. Hessel, Valerie A. Craven, Michael A. Kelsh, and Michael Goodman, “Mesothelioma among Motor Vehicle Mechanics: An Updated Review and Meta-analysis,” 60 Ann. Occup. Hyg. 8 (2016); Michael Goodman, M. Jane Teta, Patrick A. Hessel, David H. Garabrant, Valerie A. Craven, Carolyn G. Scrafford, and Michael A. Kelsh, “Mesothelioma and lung cancer among motor vehicle mechanics: a meta-analysis,” 48 Ann. Occup. Hyg. 309 (2004).

[4] See J. Corbett McDonald, J. M. Harris, and Geoffry Berry, “Sixty years on: the price of assembling military gas masks in 1940,” 63 Occup. & Envt’l Med. 852 (2006). 

[5] James A. Talcott, Wendy A. Thurber, Arlene F. Kantor, Edward A. Gaensler, Jane F. Danahy, Karen H. Antman, and Frederick P. Li, “Asbestos-Associated Diseases in a Cohort of Cigarette-Filter Workers,” 321 New Engl. J. Med. 1220 (1989).

[6]Selikoff and the Mystery of the Disappearing Amphiboles” (Dec. 10, 2010); “Playing Hide the Substantial Factors in Asbestos Litigation” (Sept. 27, 2011).

[7] See, e.g., John T. Hodgson & Andrew A. Darnton, “The quantitative risks of mesothelioma and lung cancer in relation to asbestos exposure,” 14 Ann. Occup. Hygiene 565 (2000); Misty J Hein, Leslie T Stayner, Everett Lehman & John M Dement, “Follow-up study of chrysotile textile workers: cohort mortality and exposure-response,” 64 Occup. & Envt’l Med. 616 (2007); David H. Garabrant & Susan T. Pastula, “A comparison of asbestos fiber potency and elongate mineral particle (EMP) potency for mesothelioma in humans,” 361 Toxicology & Applied Pharmacol. 127 (2018) (“relative potency of chrysotile:amosite:crocidolite was 1:83:376”). See also D. Wayne Berman & Kenny S. Crump, “Update of Potency Factors for Asbestos-Related Lung Cancer and Mesothelioma,” 38(S1) Critical Reviews in Toxicology 1 (2008).

Avoiding Apportionment in Favor of Joint & Several Liabilities

July 24th, 2021

Back in 2008, Professor Michael Green wrote an interesting paper on apportionment in asbestos litigation. The paper sets out an argument that apportionment is a 20th century reform of American tort law, from the common law’s “all or nothing” approach.[1] I respectfully disagree with Professor Green’s assessment. When we consider the procedural aversion to joinder of claims, and the limited range of “joint and several” liability at common law, there was often a much greater role for apportionment in the common law of tort.[2]

Although there have been statutory reforms in some states, which have facilitated apportionments of fault and causation, tort law in the 20th century saw a steady march away from causal apportionments. This process of transformation raises interesting historical and theoretical questions. The hostility to apportionment was reflected in several doctrinal shifts. First, the burden of proof shifted from the plaintiff, who originally had to show each defendant’s share, to the defendants, who had to show their individual shares in order to avoid joint and several liability. Second, the common law’s procedural hurdles of joinder were removed, which left courts free to indulge presumptions of joint and several liability simply because the plaintiff’s harm was one unified harm, whether divisible or not. Third, the common law’s requirement of a “reasonable basis” for an estimate of apportioned share mutated into a requirement of “reasonable certainty,” with no particular clarity for how apodictic the certainty had to be to escape joint and several liability. Fourth, injuries readily seen as divisible in practical ways became “indivisible” in the result-oriented jurisprudence of the later 20th century. And fifth, judicial concern over the unfairness of imposing catastrophic damages upon a single defendant (with other potential defendants unavailable due to bankruptcy, immunity, or plaintiff’s preference) gave way to concer over plaintiffs’ not recovering fulsome damages.

Defendants in the asbestos litigation played a role in this march toward joint and several recovery, with simplistic pro rata shares when contribution was available. The economics of cases with multiple defendants led to multiple representations. Apportionment raised the prospect of invidious distinctions between and among defendants, with some defendants having minuscule causal shares, with others having large shares. Such distinctions posed serious conflicts of interest, which were, and still are, virtually impossible to manage. In the context of mesothelioma cases, for instance, many defendants prefer pro rata contribution rather than causal apportionment because the former guarantees greater offsets in cases taken to verdict. Given the huge variability in asbestos fiber type potency for causing mesothelioma, defendants that had products with some amphibole asbestos had to worry that defendants with chrysotile-only products would avoid liability altogether, or have liability for fractional shares of a single percentage point.

Of course, plaintiffs have resisted apportionments of all kinds, whether between and among joint tortfeasors, or between their conduct and the tortfeasors’, at every turn. Historically, the doctrine of joint and several liability der ives from principles of mutual agency and imputed liability. We can see examples of such liability resulting from civ il conspiracies, torts of partnerships, and true concert of action among tortfeasors.[3]

Entire liability , on the other hand , results from liberal procedural rules of joinder and an ind iv isible injury. If concurrent or successive torts cause a single harm, and the trier of fact cannot reasonably determine what proportion each tortfeasor contributed , then each tortfeasor is liable for the whole harm , even though each tortfeasor’s act alone might have been insuffi cient to cause the entire harm.[4] Although situations giving rise to entire liability may be totally lacking any basis for mutual agency or imputed liability, these situations may lead to a joint and several judgments against multiple tortfeasors. Entire liability, and its procedural consequences that resemble historical joint and several liability, do not apply to concurrent or successive tortfeasors whose acts (or products) cause distinct injuries or cause an injury that can be reasonably apportioned.

Restatement Approach

The American Law Institute’s Restatement (Second) of Torts [Restatement] restated the rules for guiding the applicability for apportionment in a section entitled “Apportionment of Harm to Causes”

(1) Damages for harm are to be apportioned among two or more causes where

(a) there are distinct harms, or

(b) there is a reasonable basis for determining the contribution of each cause to a single harm.

(2) Damages for any other harm cannot be apportioned among two or more causes.

Restatement § 433A. Comment b to Section 433A circuitously and vacuously defines “distinct harms” as those “results which, by their nature, are more capable of apportionment.” The comment provides a hypothetical case and suggested resolution, which are, however, are more helpful:

“If two defendants independently shoot the plaintiff at the same time, and one wounds him in the arm and the other in the leg, the ultimate result may be a badly damaged plaintiff in the hospital, but it is still possible, as a logical, reasonable, and practical matter, to regard the two wounds as separate injuries, and as distinct wrongs. The mere coincidence in time does not make the two wounds a single harm, or the conduct of the two defendants one tort. There may be difficulty in the apportionment of some elements of damages, such as the pain and suffering resulting from the two wounds, or the medical expenses, but this does not mean that one defendant must be liable for the distinct harm inflicted by the other. It is possible to make a rough estimate which will fairly apportion such subsidiary elements of damages.”

The above hypothetical was very much analogous to the school district asbestos property damage class action, in which some plaintiffs’ counsel sought to hold all defendants jointly and severally liable. Although all the defendants may have contributed to the overall condition of a particular building, the cost of removing or containing each asbestos product can be attributed to the producer of that product. Each defendant’s product may be in a different part of a building, and represent a different percentage of the total amount of friable asbestos in the building. Some asbestos products might not be friable at all, and removal would be unnecessary, counterproductive, and even harmful. Each product posed unique problems for removal or containment, the cost of which could be determined independently of the costs for dealing with the other products in the building.

The case of single but divisible harm is relatively straightforward under the Restatement’s apportionment approach. Apportionment is permitted for such a harm when “there is a reasonable basis for determining the contribution of each cause.”[5]

The Restatement (Second) gave several examples of joint torts that can be apportioned by cause. Instructive for the asbestos property damage and similar environmental cases, the Restatement’s following suggestion was of particular interest:

“Apportionment is commonly made in cases of private nuisance, where the pollution of a stream, or flooding, or smoke or dust or noise, from different sources, has interfered with the plaintiff’s use or enjoyment of his land. Thus where two or more factories independently pollute a stream, the plaintiff’s use of the water may be treated as divisible in terms of degree, and may be apportioned among the owners of the factories, on the basis of the respective quantities of pollution discharged into the stream.”[6]

Although any actual apportionment, upon which reasonable people can disagree, must be made by the trier of fact, whether the plaintiff’s harm is apportionable is a question for the court.[7]

Judicial Applications of Apportionment Principles

Some of the earliest cases apportioning property damages involved the worrying and killing of sheep by dogs belonging to two or more persons. Many of these early cases focused on the propriety of the joinder of the dog owners and the resulting joint liability. Under the common law approach to joinder, courts found it “repugnant to the plainest principles of justice to say that the dogs of different persons, by joining in doing mischief could make the owners jointly liable.”[8] Consequently, if two dogs, each belonging to different persons, run together and kill the plaintiff’s sheep, each owner is liable only for the sheep his dog killed.[9] The difficulty in estimating the separate injury done by each dog does not permit imposing liability for the entire damage.[10] In Adams v. Hall,[11] the court specifically rejected the plaintiff’s argument that the damage done to his property, his herd of sheep, was “entire.” Because the damage done by each defendant’s dog was separate, and the defendants were misjoined under the procedural rules then in effect.[12]

Several of the common law courts addressed the appropriateness of apportionment, either pro rata, or otherwise. In an 1838 case, Buddington v. Shearer,[13] the court acknowledged that the plaintiff would have some difficulty in proving which dog caused what distinct harm, but that under the circumstances, the trier of fact could reasonably apportion damages equally on the assumption that the dogs were capable of equal mischief.

In the absence of a statute, the rule requiring apportionment in dog & sheep cases remains valid.[14] In one 1920 case, the appellate court, anticipating the scientific basis for different pathogenic potencies for different varieties of asbestos, noted that the relative size and ferocity of each owner’s dog was a sufficient basis to permit the jury to apportion damages.[15]

The vitality and continuing validity of the apportionments made for separate harms (in dog and sheep cases) is clearly reflected in the Restatement (Second) and its illustrations:

“Five dogs owned by A and B enter C’s farm and kill ten of C’s sheep. There is evidence that three of the dogs are owned by A and two by B, and that all of the dogs are of the same general size and ferocity.”[16]

Based upon these facts, the second Restatement would hold A liable for the value of six of the sheep, and B liable for four.[17] 

The destruction of a field or its crops presents a case of harm, which courts have often treated as single but divisible. In an early Kansas case, the plaintiff sued for the damage inflicted to his crops by cattle belonging to two unrelated parties. Noting that the plaintiff had suffered a single injury to his property, the court held that the damages for the single injury should be apportioned by the relative number of each defendant’s cattle.[18] Reasoning in a similar manner, the New York Court of Appeals, in 1907, addressed a case brought by a farmer who sued two defendants, each owner of cattle, which had trespassed upon his land.[19] The court noted that the cattle were all on the plaintiff’s land and that they all caused equal damage to the plaintiff, and, therefore, each cattle owner was liable for his proportionate share of the entire damages.[20] Other courts, in considering animal trespass cases, have not emphasized whether they viewed the plaintiff’s injury as single or several; rather, these courts, simply stressed the reasonable divisibility of damages and the appropriateness of apportioning damages accordingly.[21]

Cases involving the flooding of land have provided fertile soil for judicial consideration of apportionment. The 1952 California case of Griffith v. Kerrigan is typical.[22] In Griffith, the plaintiff sued for damage to his peach orchard, caused by excessive underground water seepage from one defendant’s irrigation of an adjacent rice paddy, and from another defendant’s nearby canal.  The trial court entered judgment for the plaintiff against the remaining defendant for only the harm caused by that defendant. Plaintiff appealed, and claimed that each defendant was the proximate cause of the entire harm, and therefore, he was entitled to a judgment for the entire amount of damages proved at trial.[23]

Relying upon first Restatement of Torts, Section 881, the predecessor to section 433A of the Second Restatement, the Griffith court rejected the plaintiff’s contention that damage and liability were “entire.” The estimates of relative percentages of water from all possible sources were a sufficient evidentiary basis for making a reasonable apportionment of the damages.[24]

The defendants in Griffith cross-appealed, arguing that the expert witness testimony given at trial established that no exact apportionment was possible. Because of this lack of precision, the defendants contended that the plaintiff had failed to carry the burden of proving each defendant’s causal role. The California appellate count expressly rejected this contention. The expert witness’s estimate was a sufficient basis for the apportionment.[25]

The holdings in Griffith are based upon well-established precedents and intuitive principles of justice. In language that resonates for many mass-tort situations, such as multi-defendant asbestos litigation, joint and several liability in such a case would allow “a plaintiff to overwhelm a defendant with claims for damages out of all proportion to his wrongdoing… .”[26]

In an 1879 case, Sellick v. Hall, the court held that parties that independently damaged plaintiff’s property by flooding could not be found to be joint tortfeasors.[27] Each party can be liable only for that portion of the harm, which he caused. Although apportionment might be difficult in some cases, the court noted that juries are often entrusted with difficult factual judgments. The plaintiff should not, therefore, be denied any recovery; nor should one defendant be “loaded with damages to which he is not legally liable, simply  because the exact ascertainment of the proper amount is a matter of practical difficulty.”[28] Any hardship to the plaintiff in not being able to assert joint and several liability is mitigated by being relieved of the requirement to prove the precise damage inflicted by each defendant.[29] The common law’s foundational principle is clear: a reasonable basis for apportioning a single harm among multiple causes is sufficient to support an apportionment of damages, without fussing over “exactitude.”[30]

Air and Water Pollution Cases

When two or more independent tortfeasors separately pollute the air or water and the consequences combine to form a single injury, each tortfeasor will be liable only for the consequences of his independent tortious act and will not be liable for the entire injury. In Oakwood Homeowners Assoc. v. Maration Oil Co., the appellate court sustained the trial court’s jury instruction that the jury should separate the injuries caused to the plaintiff by the defendant from the injuries caused by other tortfeasors if they could do so:

“If two or more persons acting independently tortiously cause distinct harms or a single harm for which there is a reasonable basis for division according to the contribution of each, each is subject to liability only for the portion of the total harm that he himself caused.”[31]

In Sam Finley, Inc. v. Waddell, the Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals held that the trial court had failed to require the plaintiff , who had prevailed at trial, to produce evidence apportioning the damage between the two defendants.[32] In that case, the plaintiffs had sued the operator of a quarry and the operator of a bituminous concrete plant alleging each had contributed to the clouds of filth which had rendered the plaintiffs’ land unfit for grazing. The court held that plaintiffs were barred from a recovery without proof of the apportionment of the damage caused by the two defendants.

In that case, the plaintiffs had sued the operator of a quarry and the operator of a bituminous concrete plant alleging each had contributed to the clouds of filth which had rendered the plaintiffs’ land unfit for grazing. The court held that plaintiffs were barred from a recovery without proof of the apportionment of the damage caused by the two defendants, absent proof of privity or concert of action:

“[W]here there are several concurrent negligent causes, the effects of which are separable, due to independent authors, neither being sufficient to produce the entire loss, then each of the several parties concerned is liable only for the injuries due to his negligence.”[33]

In Maas v. Perkins, the Supreme Court of Washington held that, while two alleged tortfeasors, accused of having contributed to the damage caused by oil sludge draining onto plaintiffs’ property, could be joined in one action, their liability was several and not joint.[34] Plaintiffs would not be relieved of their burden of showing that a particular defendant caused damage of a specified amount. Although the court admitted of the difficulty of such proof, the court required some basis for the allocation of the total damage.[35] Courts have consistently viewed the rule of apportionment and several liability as a rule of fairness, and have thus been unwilling to impose liability on one tortfeasor for the acts of another over which the first had no control and where the only logical connection was some similarity of consequences.

In Farley v. Crystal Coal & Coke Co.,[36] the West Virginia Supreme Court held that six separate mine operators, alleged to have polluted with slag, cinder and sewage the stream on which plaintiff’s farm was situated, could not be jointly liable for damage caused by the pollution:

“In the actual infliction of the injury, there was nothing more than a combination, effected by natural causes of the consequences or results or the wrongful acts, in which the parties did not act. This of course does not absolve them from liability, but it does away with the ground or basis of joint liability and liability for entire damages. Each is liable only for the consequences of his own wrong and must be sued alone for the damages.”[37]

In City of Mansfield v. Brister, the plaintiff, a riparian proprietor, sued the city for damage to his health caused by the pollution of Ritter’s Run.[38] Ritter’s Run was found to have been fouled by five sewers, only one of which had been constructed by the city. The trial court instructed that jury that it was unnecessary to find that the city had caused the entire injury in order to find it liable for the damage. The Ohio Supreme Court reversed, in a thoughtful and lengthy opinion, in which it considered and discussed the then contemporary authority. The court found the difficulty of apportionment presented no compelling reason to relieve the plaintiff from the obligation of proving that the damages sought from a defendant sprung from the act of that defendant:

“Each is liable only to the extent of the wrong committed by him. The fact that it is difficult to separate the injury done by each one from the others furnishes no reason for holding that one tort-feasor should be liable for act of others with whom he is not acting in concert.”[39]

As noted above, the Restatement (Second) of Torts contains a discussion of apportionment consistent with this discussion. One illustration contained in the comments is drawn from the pollution cases and well illustrates the point:

“Oil is negligently discharged from two factories, owned by A and B, onto the surface of a stream. As a result C, a lower riparian owner, is deprived of the use of the water for his own industrial purposes. There is evidence that 70 per cent of the oil has come from A’s factory, and 30 per cent from B’s. On the basis of this evidence, A may be held liable for 70 per cent of C’s damages, and B liable for 30 per cent.”[40]

Shifting the Burden of Proof

Some jurisdictions have shifted the burden of going forward on the issue of apportionment. In a 1952 case, Landers v. East Texas Salt water Disposal Co.,[41] the independent operators of two separate pipelines were alleged to have discharged large quantities of salt water into plaintiff’s lake when the two pipelines broke on or about the same day. The court held that plaintiff could recover despite his inability to allocate specific damage to one or the other tortfeasor:

“Where the tortious acts of two or more wrongdoers join to produce an indivisible injury, that is, an injury which from its nature cannot be apportioned with reasonable certainty to the individual wrongdoers, all of the wrongdoers will be held jointly and severally liable for the entire damages.”[42]

The actual language of Landers is somewhat difficult to reconcile with the manner in which the Landers rule has been applied. Landers was decided in an era without liberal rules of joinder, and so the court apparently conceived it necessary to deem the defendants joint tortfeasors in order to join the defendants in a single action.

In what seems rather result-oriented jurisprudence, courts which have had occasion to apply Landers under the modern rules of joinder have largely cited the Landers rule as shifting the burden of going forward on the question of apportionment. And then, to add insult to injury to the common law, courts after Landers have conflated the burden of going forward with the burden of proof:

“Where several defendants are shown to have each caused some harm, the burden of proof (or burden of going forward) shifts to each defendant to show what portion of the harm he caused. If the defendants are unable to show any reasonable basis for division, they are jointly and severally liable for the total damages.”[43]

This trend toward shifting the burden of proof of apportionment can be seen in an air pollution case,[44] Michie v. Great Lakes Steel, where the court considered whether a plaintiff, alleging damages of $11,000 caused by the air pollution of three corporate defendants, would be deemed to have alleged damages of $11,000 against each for purposes of determining whether the jurisdictional amount in controversy for diversity jurisdiction had been met. Citing Landers, the court stated the rule of apportionment as follows:

“Where the injury itself is indivisible, the judge or jury must determine whether or not it is practicable to apportion the harm among the tortfeasors. If not, the entire liability may be imposed upon one (or several) tortfeasors.

* * * *

The net effect of Michigan’s new rule is to shift the burden of proof as to which one was responsible and to what degree from the injured party to the wrongdoers.”[45]

Some courts, following Landers, have found reasonable bases for apportioning entire damages.[46] The judicial embrace of joint and several liability, with burden shifting, and increasing the burden, for apportionment has led to great creativity in avoiding apportionments. For pollution cases, what might be a rough-and-ready practical basis for apportionment, courts have found confounding factors of unknown rates of discharge, for unknown times, with unknown composition, and in unknown concentrations. There can be a huge gap between the sorts of “reasonable estimates” that were found adequate at common law and the “reasonable certainties” that courts increasingly demanded.


[1] Michael D. Green, “Second Thoughts about Apportionment in Asbestos Litigation,” 37 Southwestern Univ. L. Rev. 531 (2008) (“The idea that liability is not all or nothing—a basic tenet of the common law—but could be apportioned in a fine-grained manner—that is using a scale of 100, whether you call it comparative negligence, fault, responsibility, or causation—is a reform of the twentieth century and one of the most influential in tort law of that century.”).

[2]Common Law Causal Apportionment – Each Dog Had His Day” (Sept. 27, 2014).

[3] See William Lloyd Keeton, ed.,  Prosser and Keeton on the Law of Torts § 46 (1984).

[4] Stuart Speiser, Charles Krause and Alfred Gans, The American Law of Torts § 3.7, at 394 (1983 & Supp. 1984); Prosser, supra, at § 47, at 328.

[5] Restatement § 433A(1)(b), at comment d.

[6] Id.; see also S. Speiser, supra at § 3.12 & note 88 (collecting cases on joint flooding and polluting).

[7] Restatement § 434(1)(2).

[8] Russell v. Tomlinson & Hawkins, 2 Conn. 206 (1817).

[9] Id. (“[N]o man can be liable for the mischief done by the dog of another, unless he had some agency in causing the dog to do it.”); Van Steinburgh v. Tobias, 17 Wend. 562 (N.Y. 1837) (affirming nonsuit based upon misjoinder because joinder was error unless defendants jointly liable). The court in van Steenburgh noted that the imposition of joint liability on the owner of one dog, which happened to unite with other dogs in destroying a herd, would be unjust. Id. at 564.

[10] Van Steinburgh v. Tobias, 17 Wend. 562, 563 (N.Y. 1837).

[11] Adams v. Hall, 2 Vt. 9 (1829),

[12] Id. at 10, 11.

[13] 37 Mass. (20 Pick.) 477, 479-80 (1838).

[14] See Miller v. Prough, 203 Mo. App. 413, 425, 221 S.W. 159 (1920) (each owner of a dog may not be liable for the entire damage; evidence of relative size and ferocity sufficient to permit the jury to apportion damages); Stine v. McShane, 55 N.D. 745, 746, 214 N.W. 906 (1927) (in absence of a joint tort or a statute modifying the common law, plaintiff can recover only those damages occasioned by that defendant’s conduct); Nohre v. Wright, 98 Minn. 477, 478-79, 108 N.W. 865 (1906) (each dog owner is liable separately for the damages done by his animal); Anderson v. Halverson, 126 Iowa 125, 127, 101 N.W. 781 (1904) (reversing judgment for defendant dog owner because although plaintiff could not show which sheep the defendant’s dog killed, the jury should have been allowed to consider defendant’s liability with proper instructions on apportionment); Denny v. Correll, 9 Ind. 72, 73 (1857) (per curiam) (reversing joint judgment against defendant dog owners); Dyer v. Hutchins, 87 Tenn. 198, 199, 10 S.W. 194 (1889)(each defendant dog owner is responsible only for the depradations of his own animal).

[15] Miller v. Prough, 203 Mo. App. 413, 425, 221 S.W. 159 (1920) (each owner of a dog may not be liable for the entire damage; evidence of relative size and ferocity sufficient to permit the jury to apportion damages).

[16] Restatement (Second) of Torts § 433A, illustration 3.

[17] Id.

[18] Powers v. Kindt, 13 Kan. 74, 83 (1874).

[19] Wood v. Snider, 187 N.Y. 28, 36, 79 N.E. 858 (1907).

[20] Id. Accord Pacific Live Stock Co. v. Murray, 45 Or. 103, 76 P. 1079 (1904)(the proper measure of plaintiff’s damages was the value of pasturage consumed by defendant’s sheep, not the mischief done by animals belonging to other persons); Hill v. Chappel Brothers of Montana, 93 Mont. 92, 103, 18 P. 2d 1106, (1933) (jury allowed to make the best possible estimate of the portion of damages attributable to the defendant’s horses).

[21] See, e.g., Westgate v. Carr, 43 Ill. 450, 454-44 (1867) (each defendant cattle owner is liable only for the damage done by his cattle); State v. Wood, 59 N.J.L. 112, 113-14, 35 A. 654(1896)(each dog’s trampling of the plaintiff’s cabbage patch is a separate harm; each owner is liable only for the harm his dog caused; King v. Ruth, 136 Miss. 377, 381, 101 So. 500 (1924) (each dog owner is liable only for the damages done by his animals “separate and distinct” trespass); see also Cogswell v. Murphy, 46 Iowa 44 (1877) (reversing judgment against defendant cattle owners because of misjoinder of parties).

[22] Griffith v. Kerrigan, 109 Cal. App. 2d 637, 241 P.2d 296, Cal. Rptr. (1952).

[23] Id. at 638.

[24] Id. at 639.

[25] Id. at 640.

[26] William Tackaberry Co. v. Sioux City Service Co., 154 Iowa 358, 377-78, 132 N.W. 945 (1911) (extensively reviewing authorities and rejecting joint and several liability for property damage caused by flooding from multiple causes). See also Boulger v. Northern Pacific RR, 41 N.D. 316, 324, 171 N.W. 632 (1918) (imposing entire liability on a party responsible for only a portion of the harm caused by a flood would be contrary to law and justice).

[27] Sellick v. Hall, 47 Conn. 260, 273 (1879).

[28] Id. at 274.

[29] See William  Tackaberry Co., supra,154 Iowa at 377; Griffith v. Kerrigan, 109 Cal. App. 2d at 640.

[30] Sloggy v.  Dilworth, 38 Minn. 179, 185, 36 N.W. 451 (1888) (rejecting entire liability; apportionment for damage to plaintiff’s crops caused by  flooding from multiple causes may be based on the relative contribution of each party); Blaisdell v. Stephens, 14 Nev. 17, 19 (1879) (reversing      joint judgment in a flooding case); Verheyen v. Dewey, 27 Idaho 1, 11-12, 146 P. 1116 (1915) (reversing joint judgment; holding each party responsible only for that portion of the flood, which damages plaintiff’s property); Ryan Gulch Reservoir Co. v. Swartz, 77 Colo. 60, 234 P. 1059, 1061 (1925) (rejecting joint liability for independent flooders of plaintiff’s land); Miller v. Highland Ditch Co., 87 Cal. 430, 431, 23 P. 550 (1891) (reversing joint judgment against defendants, whose irrigation ditches independently overflowed and deluged plaintiff’s land).

[31] Oakwood Homeowners Ass’n v. Maration Oil Co., 104 Mich. App. 689, 305 N.W.2d 567, 569 (1981),    

[32] Sam Finley, Inc. v. Waddell, 207 Va. 602, 151 S.E. 347 (1966).

[33] Sam Finley, Inc., 151 S.E.2d at 352. The decision in Sam Finley, Inc. was a reaffirmation of the rule of Panther Coal Co. v. Looney, 185 Va. 758, 48 S.E.2d 298 (1946), and Pulaski Anthracite Coal Co. v. Gibboney Sand Bar Co., 110 Va. 444, 66 S.E. 73 (1909). These cases exemplify the line of cases which developed and applied the rule of apportionment and several liability in cases involving air and water pollution from the latter part of the last century to the 1960s, when statutory remedies for air and water pollution were enacted. These common law decisions are still binding authority in most jurisdictions and are binding on federal courts sitting in diversity.

[34] Maas v. Perkins, 42 Wash. 2d 38, 253 P.2d 427 (1953).

[35] 253 P.2d at 430. The court in Maas followed the rule previously set forth in Snavely v. City of Goldendale, 10 Wash. 2d 453, 117 P.2d 221 (1941). In this action, a downstream farmer alleged that a municipality and a slaughterhouse discharged refuse into the Little Klickitat River. The court affirmed the rule that tortfeasors independently contributing to the pollution of a stream cannot be held jointly liable for the common injury. The basis of the Court’s decision was fairness. “[I]t might work great injustice to hold one responsible for the entire injurious effect of the pollution of a stream brought about by himself and others in varying degrees.” Snavely, 117 P.2d at 224.

[36] Farley v. Crystal Coal & Coke Co., 85 W.Va. 595, 102 S.E. 265 (1920).

[37] Farley, 102 S.E. at 268. Similarly, the court in Watson v. Pyramid Oil Co., 198 Ky. 135, 248 S.W. 227 (1923), was moved by considerations of fairness to adopt the rule of apportionment and several liability. It held that several refining companies could not be liable for the damage caused by each other’s operations. Otherwise, it reasoned “a defendant who had contributed to the injury in the slightest degree would be liable for all the damage caused by the wrongful acts of all the others.” 248 S.W. at 228. Similarly, the Florida Supreme Court has held that joint liability would not be imposed on upriver phosphate producers despite the intermingling of the consequences of their tortious acts as regards downriver riparian owners. Synnes v. Prarie Pebble Phosphate Co., 66 Fla. 27, 63 So. 1 (1913), and Standard Phosphate Co. v. Lunn, 66 Fla. 220, 63 So. 429 (1913). Noise pollution has been handled in a similar fashion. See, e.g., City of Atlanta v. Cherry, 84 Ga. App. 728, 67 S.E.2d 317 (Ga. App. 1951) (holding that a city operating an airport and the airlines using it were not jointly liable for damage caused to the plaintiff by a low flying aircraft).

[38] City of Mansfield v. Brister, 76 Ohio St. 270, 81 N.E. 631 (1907).

[39] City of Mansfield, 81 N.E. at 633.

[40] Restatement (Second) of Torts § 433A, comment d, illustration 5 (1965).

[41] Landers v. East Texas Salt water Disposal Co., 151 Tx. 251, 248 S.W.2d 731 (1952).

[42] Landers, 248 S.W.2d at 734.

[43] Borel v. Fibreboard Paper Products Corp., 493 F.2d 1076, 1094 (5th Cir. 1973), cert. denied, 419 U.S. 869, (1974). The federal bench has, at times, been mindful of the unfairness of joint and several liability to defendants. Although largely ineffectual, some courts have opined that some method was needed to achieve “[an] apportionment which bears some relationship to causative fault.”

[44] Michie v. Great Lakes Steel, 495 F.2d 213 (6th Cir. 1974), cert. denied 419 U.S. 997 (1979).

[45] Michie, 495 F.2d at 217, 218.

[46] See, e.g. Dean v. Gladney, 621 F.2d 1331 (5th Cir. 1980) (upholding apportionment of damages, made with “reasonable certainty” between defendant police officers who had been found to have committed an unlawful arrest and imprisonment).

The History of Litigations – Silica Litigation

July 23rd, 2021

“Progress, far from consisting in change, depends on retentiveness. When change is absolute there remains no being to improve and no direction is set for possible improvement: and when experience is not retained, as among savages, infancy is perpetual. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”

George Santayana, The Life of Reason or the Phases of Human Progress 172 (1905; Marianne S. Wokeck & Martin A. Coleman, eds., 2011).

 

One of the remarkable and deplorable features of litigation in the United States is that it consumes such an incredible toll of time, energy, money, intellectual effort, creativity, while receiving so little attention in terms of careful curation of its history. Does anyone in the judiciary, the legislature, in the public, in industry, in labor, or at the bar, learn anything from the entirety of a complex litigation? Insurers certainly note their payouts, and adjust their premiums, but have their litigation strategies, and counsel selection and control, improved outcomes? I suspect that there is a great deal of learning to be had, at every level, and from every institutional perspective. It seems that this potential learning is often left untapped.

There are some notable efforts at the history of individual litigation. In 1987, Peter Schuck wrote an incisive history of the Agent Orange litigation.[1] About a decade later, two other law professors, Michael Green and Joseph Sanders, each wrote a history of the Bendectin litigation.[2] Whatever the reader thinks of these histories of litigations, they are all respectable efforts to understand the full course of a so-called “mass tort” litigation, from beginning to end. Law schools do a fine job of teaching the making of widgets, from initial pleadings, to judgments, to appeals, to enforcement of judgments. The academy does less well in teaching the high-level strategies employed in litigations, and the criteria for evaluating the success or failure of those strategies.

There are many important litigations that have not been memorialized in histories.  The asbestos litigation existed as isolated as sporadic worker compensation claims before World War II, and after the war, well into the 1970s. The first civil action may have been filed by attorney William L. Brach filed on behalf of Frederick LeGrande, against Johns-Manville, for asbestos-related disease, on July 17, 1957, in LeGrande v. Johns-Manville Prods. Corp., No. 741-57 (D.N.J.). Civil litigation for individual personal injuries took another decade to get started, and has since become institutionalized as a perpetual, limitless, and often unprincipled legal phenomenon in the United States. There have also been environmental and class action asbestos cases, with the infamous case against the Reserve Mining Company in Minnesota having received book length treatment, in 1980.[3] Miles Lord, the trial judge in the Reserve Mining case, was unceremoniously rebuked for unprofessional judicial malfeasance by the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit.[4] More recently, Judge Lord’s law clerk has attempted to resurrect her mentor’s destroyed reputation in a hagiographic biography.[5] These books recount, fairly or not, important episodes in the asbestos litigation, but no one to date has attempted to write a history of the entire broad sweep of asbestos litigation.

The situation is similar in silicosis litigation, where the need for a history of the multiple failed attempts to impose liability on remote silica sand suppliers cries out for unified treatment. There is, to be sure, a highly biased account that runs through one text, Deadly Dust, written by two radical historians who helped fuel the litigation attempts in the 1990s, and in the 21st century.[6] The perspective of Deadly Dust, however, either ignores or misunderstands the litigation strategies and outcomes for the actual participants in silicosis litigation.

Recently, a chapter in the new edition of a treatise on products liability law has offered up a brief history of silica litigation.[7] The chapter correctly notes that “[s]ilica litigation in the United States has largely dried up following the 2005 dismissal of the multidistrict In re Silica Products Liability Litigation.”[8] In a chapter section, “§ 8:5.2 History of Litigation,” the authors purport to discuss the history of silica litigation, but they begin with one episode, the filing of thousands of cases in Mississippi and Texas, which were removed to federal court and consolidated in a Multi-District Litigation before the Hon. Janis Graham Jack, in Corpus Christi, Texas. Judge Jack famously declared “red flags of fraud” on the litigation battleground, with active participation from many high-volume testifying expert witnesses, such as Drs. Ray Harron and B.S. Levy.

The chapter lightly touches upon a few subsequent, post-MDL silica cases in Mississippi,[9] but importantly the chapter misses the sweep of silica litigation, before the MDL debacle. A more sustained, disinterested history of silica litigation would be a worthwhile undertaking for a few reasons.

  1. Silica litigation is a strong example of misplaced liability in the industrial setting of selling a natural commodity to purchasers who are employers with strong state and federal regulatory obligations to provide safe workplaces.[10]
  2. The litigation over silica health effects severely tests the notion that litigation is needed as an adjunct to regulation. Silicosis mortality has declined steadily in the late 20th and early 21st century, despite the failure of silica claims.[11]
  3. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, silica litigation was fueled in part by a tendentious ruling by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), which declared that crystalline silica is a “known” human carcinogen. The working group was deeply divided, and the classification was subsequently shown to have ignored important studies.[12] Although subsequent IARC working groups handed down even more suspect monographs, revisiting the conditions that gave rise to the IARC silica monograph would be yield valuable insights into the capture and corruption of the IARC process by biased advocates.
  4. Defendants often come under serious criticism and pressure to settle litigation, as though the filing of complaints, with allegations of harms, demands social justice and ample remedies. In silica litigation, many defendants did not succumb to such pressure, and their efforts revealed corruption in the manufacturing of claims, through fraudulent diagnoses, product identification, and misdirected blame.

An adequate history of silica litigation would need to explore:

  1. The era before worker’s compensation (1890-1930, including Gauley Bridge), when civil litigation was the only recourse, and when plaintiffs were met with defenses of contributory negligence, fellow-servant rule, assumption of risk, and statutes of limitations.
  2. The era of worker’s compensation (1930-1968 or so), when employers had close to absolute liability for the medical damages and lost wages of their employees.
  3. The era of strict liability (1969 – 1997), ushered in by the doctrine of stricts products liability in the Restatement (Second) of Torts, and fueled by the enticement of mushrooming jury verdicts, and perceived inadequacies of worker compensation awards. Contributory negligence gave way to comparative negligence, and plaintiffs colluded in claims of ignorance of silica hazards. Silica litigation was episodic, with “outbreaks” in Alabama, western Pennsylvania, and New Jersey.
  4. The IARC Resurgence (1998 – 2010), which “sexed up” silica litigation, and led to mass filings, and the Battle of Corpus Christi, in Judge Jack’s courtroom. Additional outbreaks occurred in Mississippi, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and California.

There is probably much I have missed, but the sketch above is a beginning.


[1] Peter H. Schuck, Agent Orange on Trial: Mass Toxic Disasters in the Courts (1987).

[2] Michael D. Green, Bendectin: The Challenges of Mass Toxic Substances Litigation (1996); Joseph Sanders, Bendectin on Trial: A Study of Mass Tort Litigation (1998).

[3] Robert V. Bartlett, The Reserve Mining Controversy (1980).

[4] Reserve Mining Co v. Hon. Miles Lord, 529 F.2d 181 (8th Cir. 1976).

[5] Roberta Walburn, Miles Lord: The Maverick Judge Who Brought Corporate America to Justice (2017).

[6] David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, Deadly Dust: Silicosis and the Politics of Occupational Disease in the Twentieth Century America (1991).

[7] George Gigounas, Arthur Hoffmann, David Jaroslaw, Amy Pressman, Nancy Shane Rappaport, Wendy Michael, Christopher Gismondi, Stephen H. Barrett, Micah Chavin, Adam A. DeSipio, Ryan McNamara, Sean Newland, Becky Rock, Greg Sperla & Michael Lisanti, “Recent Developments in Asbestos, Talc, Silica, Tobacco, and E-Cigarette/Vaping Litigation in the U.S. and Canada,” Chap. 8, in Stephanie A. Scharf, George D. Sax & Sarah R. Marmor, eds., Product Liability Litigation: Current Law, Strategies and Best Practices (2nd ed. 2021).

[8] Id. at § 8:5.1 Overview (referring to In re Silica Prods. Liab. Litig., 398 F. Supp. 2d 563 (S.D. Tex. 2005) (Jack, J.)).

[9] Mississippi Valley Silica Co. v. Eastman, 92 So. 3d 666 (Miss. 2012); Dependable Abrasives, Inc. v. Pierce, 156 So. 3d 891 (Miss. 2015).

[10] See NAS, “Products Liability Law – Lessons from the Military and Industrial Contexts,” 13 J. Tort Law 303 (2020); “The Misplaced Focus of Enterprise Liability on the Wrong Enterprise” (Mar. 27, 2021).

[11] See, e.g., Ki Moon Bang, Jacek M. Mazurek, John M. Wood, Gretchen E. White, Scott A. Hendricks, Ainsley Weston, “Silicosis Mortality Trends and New Exposures to Respirable Crystalline Silica — United States, 2001–2010,” 64 Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 117 (Feb. 13, 2015).

[12] Patrick A. Hessel, John Gamble, J. Bernard L. Gee, Graham Gibbs, Francis H.Y. Green, Morgan, Keith C. Morgan, and Brooke T. Mossman, “Silica, Silicosis, and Lung Cancer: A Response to a Recent Working Group Report,” 42 J. Occup. & Envt’l Med. 704 (2000).

Epistemic Virtue – Dropping the Dime on Tenpenny

July 18th, 2021

When Marjorie Taylor Greene came under fire for propagating lies about Jewish space lasers and other fantastical conspiracy theories, she did not apologize. Rather she turned the opproprium into a grievance about being “allowed” to believe the lies. Blaming the media, Greene complained: “I was allowed to believe things that weren’t true… .”[1]

In a stunning show of bad faith, Greene attempted to redirect fault to the media. Beneath the failed attempt was a stratagem that appears to have prevalent appeal in this day of electronic and social media. There are some people who believe that telling a lie may be a moral failing, but believing a lie simply means you have been victimized. And being a victim is the ticket for admission into our grievance society.

Greene’s transparent attempt to foist blame on those who would allow her to believe hateful and crazy sidesteps her personal responsibility for her beliefs, and ignores that she chose to propagate the pernicious claims. Greene’s metaphor of passivity is essentially false in failing to come to grips with how we form beliefs, curate them, test, and verify them, even before we take to the social media “airways” to publish or re-publish them.

For the last few years, there has been scholarly and popular criticism of social media for its ability to propagate falsehoods, lies, conspiracy theories, and dis-, mis-, and mal-information.[2] Clearly, social media can do these things, but is it really surprising that social media can be an information cesspool? Descriptively, we can acknowledge that people are influenced by false claims made on social media platforms. Prescriptively, we can, and should, hold people to higher standards.

Earlier this week, the United States Surgeon General, Dr. Vivek Murthy proclaimed health misinformation on social media to be “urgent threat.”[3] Dr. Murthy stated that tech and social media companies needed to fight information rot more aggressively, and the Surgeon General’s office issued an advisory about “building a healthy information environment.”[4] Later last week, President Biden criticized social media companies for their failure to control misinformation, and announced a plan for government to participate in fact checking claims made on social media.[5] Biden’s initiative may be creating the state action needed for the yutzballs on the right and the left to make out state action in their claims of unconstitutional censorship.

I hate to play the “what about” game that was made so popular during the Trump Administration, but I have moments of weakness. What about governmental platforms for speech? After centuries of allowing any willing, able, and marginally qualified person, with a reasonable pretense to expertise, to give opinions in court, the federal judicial system cracked down on unsound, poorly supported expert witness opinion testimony. Most state courts dragged their judicial feet, but at least uttered in dicta that they were concerned.

Legislative platforms for speech have no gatekeeper. Any quack can show up, and she does. Take Sherri Jane Tenpenny.  Please.

Sherri Tenpenny is an osteopathic physician who is a well-known, virulent disease vector of disinformation. In its March 2021 report, The Disinformation Dozenthe Center for Countering Digital Hate identified Tenpenny as a top anti-vaccination shyster. As a social media vector, she is ranked in the top dozen “influencers.”[6]

Tenpenny is an anti-vaccination osteopathic physician, who shakes down fearful parents at vaccination bootcamps, and hangs out with internet hoodlums such as Alex Jones, and the plumped-up pillow purveyor, Mike Lindell. She is the author of the 2008 book, Saying No to Vaccines: A Resource Guide for all Ages, where you can find hyperbolic claims, such as “[t]he skyrocketing autism epidemic, controversy surrounding mercury and thimerosal, and the rampant childhood epidemics — asthma, allergies, eczema, attention deficit disorders (ADD), attention deficit hyperactivity disorders (ADHD) and cancer — have been linked to vaccines.”

In federal court, Tenpenny has been blocked from disseminating her malarkey at the gate. In one case, Tenpenny served as an expert witness in support of a claim that a man’s receipt of a hepatitis B vaccination caused him to develop Guillain-Barré syndrome. The Special Master incorrectly wrote that the law required him to presume the admissibility of Tenpenny’s proffered testimony. The law actually requires the proponent to show the admissibility of his expert witness’s opinion testimony. But even with the non-existent presumption, Tenpenny’s opinion was ultimately found to be worth less than a plugged nickel, when the Special Master found her methodology “so divergent from the scientific method as to be nonsensical and confusing.”[7]

In other branches of government, a Tenpenny can go a lot further. Last month, the Ohio legislature invited Tennpenny to testify in support of House Bill 248, Enact Vaccine Choice and Anti-Discrimination Act (June 8, 2021). Introduced into the Ohio House of Representatives by Republican member Jennifer Gross, Bill 248 would “prohibit mandatory vaccinations and vaccination status disclosures.” Indeed, the proposed legislation would prohibit requiring, or creating incentives for, any vaccines, not just vaccinations against SARS-CoV-2. Tenpenny’s testimony did not fail to disappoint.

Tenpenny claimed that vaccines “magnetize” people, such that keys and spoons will stick to their bodies:

“I’m sure you’ve seen the pictures all over the Internet of people who have had these shots and now they’re magnetized. They can put a key on their forehead. It sticks. They can put spoons and forks all over them and they can stick, because now we think that there’s a metal piece to that.”

Tenpenny did not, however, discuss the obvious issue of polarity, and whether people would line up “north” to “south,” when together in a crowd. She vaguely suggested that “[t]here’s been people who have long suspected that there’s been some sort of an interface, yet-to-be-defined interface, between what’s being injected in these shots and all of the 5G towers.”[8]

The fallout from the Tenpenny testimony has been amusing. After the hearing, another Republican, Representative Scott Lipps, blamed Gross for having invited Tenpenny. During the hearing, however, none of the legislators strongly pushed back. Republican legislators thanked her for testifying, and praised her work as “enlightening.” The bill sponsor, Jennifer Gross, who trained as a nurse, told Tennpenny that it was “an honor to have you here.” According to some media reports (sorry), Gross previously compared businesses’ requiring vaccination to the Holocaust. Importantly, none of the legislators asked her for the studies upon which she relied.

Why would anyone think that Facebook, Twitter, or YouTube would act with more epistemic virtue than the Ohio Legislature? The Tenpenny phenomenon raises other interesting and important questions. Tenpenny has been licensed in Ohio as a “D.O.” (Doctor of Osteopathy), no. 34.003789, since 1984. Her online record shows no “board actions” taken or pending. Apparently, the state of Ohio, the American Osteopathic Association, and other professional and regulatory bodies do not see a problem with Tenpenny’s performance in the Ohio House of Representatives.

The American Medical Association (AMA) recognizes that medical evidence in legal and administrative proceedings is critical, and that physicians have a duty to assist.[9] Testifying for a legislative committee would certainly qualify for a legal proceeding. Testifying is the practice of medicine, and physicians who testify must do so “honestly,” with “continuous self-examination to ensure that their testimony represents the facts of the case,” and “only in areas in which they have appropriate training and recent, substantive experience and knowledge.”[10] The AMA Ethical Guidelines further provide that a testifying physician has a responsibility to ensure that his or her testimony “reflects current scientific thought and standards of care that have gained acceptance among peers in the relevant field.”[11]

Perhaps most important, the AMA Ethical Guidelines specify that medical societies and medical licensing boards are responsible for maintaining high standards for medical testimony, and must assess “claims of false or misleading testimony.” When the testimony is false or misleading, these bodies should discipline the offender “as appropriate.”[12]

Where are the adults in the room?


[1] Josh K. Elliott, “GOP’s Marjorie Taylor Greene regrets being ‘allowed’ to believe hoaxes,” Global News Canada (Feb. 4, 2021).

[2] See, e.g., Catherine D. Tan, “Defending ‘snake oil’: The preservation of contentious knowledge and practices,” 51 Social Studies of Science 538 (2021).

[3] Sheryl Gay Stolberg & Davey Alba, “Surgeon General Assails Tech Companies Over Misinformation on Covid-19,” N.Y. Times (July 15, 2021).

[4] Vivek H. Murthy, Health Misinformation: The U.S. Surgeon General’s Advisory on

Building a Healthy Information Environment (2021).

[5] The Associated Press, “Biden Slams Social Media Companies for Pandemic Misinformation,” N.Y. Times (July 16, 2021).

[6] Jonathan Jarry, “A Dozen Misguided Influencers Spread Most of the Anti-Vaccination Content on Social Media: The Disinformation Dozen generates two thirds of anti-vaccination content on Facebook and Twitter,” McGill Univ. Office for Science & Soc’y (Mar. 31, 2021).

[7] Shaw v. Sec’y Health & Human Servs., No. 01-707V, 2009 U.S. Claims LEXIS 534, *84 n.40 (Fed. Cl. Spec. Mstr. Aug. 31, 2009).

[8] Andrea Salcedo, “A doctor falsely told lawmakers vaccines magnetize people: ‘They can put a key on their forehead. It sticks.’,” Wash. Post (June 9, 2021); Andy Downing, “What an exceedingly dumb time to be alive,” Columbus Alive (June 10, 2021); Jake Zuckerman, “She says vaccines make you magnetized. This West Chester lawmaker invited her testimony, chair says,” Ohio Capital Journal (July 14, 2021).

[9] A.M.A. Code of Medical Ethics Opinion 9.7.1.

[10] Id.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

The opinions, statements, and asseverations expressed on Tortini are my own, or those of invited guests, and these writings do not necessarily represent the views of clients, friends, or family, even when supported by good and sufficient reason.