In his autobiography, Sir Karl Popper described one of the most curious and interesting confrontations in 20th century philosophy. While visiting Cambridge University to give a guest lecture, Popper was hectored by the renown chairman of the philosophy department, Ludwig Wittgenstein. While nervously playing with a fireplace poker and waving it about for emphasis, Wittgenstein challenged Popper to provide an example of a moral rule. Popper rejoined “Not to threaten visiting lecturers with pokers,” after which Wittgenstein threw down the poker and stormed out of the room.[1]
A more recent anecdote in this century gives rise to another moral rule, “thou shalt not bully graduate students working for your adversary.”
The law firm of Jones Day, representing tobacco mega-defendant R. J. Reynolds in personal injury lawsuits, was working with Associate Professor Gregg L. Michel, at the University of Texas. Michel needed research assistants to help with this litigation consulting work, and so in 2008, he reached out to J. Matthew Gallman, a professor of history at the University of Florida, to help line up some worker bees. Gallman helped Michel hire four master-level graduate students from Gallman’s department.
Tobacco lawsuit industry testifier Associate Professor Louis M. Kyriakoudes, at University of Southern Mississippi, learned of the arrangement from his involvement in tobacco litigation. Kyriakoudes shared the information with his fellow-traveling expert witness for tobacco plaintiffs, Robert Neel Proctor.
There was no impropriety in Michel’s hiring the graduate students to assist with his research. Parties are allowed to have consulting expert witness, if for no other reason than to test the accuracy of the other side’s expert witness’s opinions. The research assignment involved searching the archives of a local Pensacola newspaper, in the 1940s, for coverage of smoking’s ill health effects. According to Gallman, the students were “explicitly told not to be selective,” to favor one party or the other.
Proctor was, and still is, a highly paid expert witness for the tobacco lawsuit industry, that is the plaintiffs’ bar, and a regular feature of tobacco trials. After learning the names of the graduate students from his litigation work, Proctor in turn contacted Professor Vassiliki Betty Smocovitis, who held joint appointments in the University of Florida history and biology departments.[2]
In a fairly obvious effort to intimidate and harass the students, Proctor revealed the students’ names to Smocovitis, and pressed his tendentious, gratuitous opinion:
“In my view this is historical malpractice, and I would be very interested to know if the advisers of these students know what they have been doing.”
Smocovitis, who had never been involved in litigation as a partisan expert witness, dutifully carried out the inquiry for Proctor, only to find, unsurprisingly, that her colleagues did not believe that the students had done anything improper. According to her emails, Smocovitis reported back to Proctor that her departmental colleagues were indifferent or annoyed or both for her having bothered them with Proctor’s issue. She told Proctor that “I’m afraid that this is a case of ‘shoot the messenger’, so I can’t persist without alienating myself further,” She resisted Proctor’s importuning to raise the issue at a faculty meeting.
Lawyers at Jones Day sought emails of Proctor and Kyriakoudes from their university servers, and ultimately took depositions of Proctor and Kyriakoudes, the plaintiffs’ expert witnesses, and Smocovitis, in support of motions to sanction Proctor. Michel filed an affidavit in which he described how one of the four students had been led to believe by her departmental chairman, Joseph F. Spillane, that Proctor intended to publish her name.
Kyriakoudes, who dropped the dime on the graduate students, suggested in his deposition that Proctor’s intrusion into the University of Florida department was a “tactical mistake.” According the Chronicle of Higher Education, he testified that “[t]his whole business of getting involved in a department’s activities like this is just—it’s caused no end of trouble.”
In his own deposition, Proctor described the communications as:
“legitimate scholarly inquiry into the participation of historians in litigation.”
* * *
“I was simply raising an ethical issue that she might want to discuss.”
Sort of like Trump’s perfect conversation with President Volodymyr Zelensky. In Trumpian turn-around, Proctor complained that he was real victim of witness harassment and bullying by the defense counsel, in an effort to “silence him.” Ah, the flexibility of historical narrative!
What really seemed to irk Proctor was that any historian, even master-level graduate students, would disagree with him, or find historical evidence that embarrassed Proctor’s litigation positions. Proctor’s blindness to his own bad behavior in the recent past, certainly raises questions about his historical acumen.
Proctor’s play at grievance victimhood was amplified by the obsequious scholarship of Jon Wiener. In the pages of The Nation, Wiener incorrectly reported that “[n]othing improper was found, no witness tampering or intimidation, and the tobacco attorneys dropped the issue–for a while.”[3] In fact, as an historical matter, Wiener was quite wrong.
Judgment Day
The Jones Day lawyers’ motion claimed that Proctor’s improprieties was part of a pattern of behavior that stemmed from his “uncontrolled zeal to win.” Proctor, a paid advocate for the tobacco lawsuit industry, thought it was within his mandate to expose the connection between tobacco defense and historians. In doing so, he engaged in witness tampering and harassment. Proctor and his employers in the lawsuit industry responded with an attempt to portray Proctor’s ham-fisted inquiries as concern for the vulnerable graduate students who were not receiving “guidance,” which would impair their future careers.
The Motion contra Proctor came before Judge Williams Parsons, in the Volusia County Circuit Court.[4] Contrary to the Wiener report, Judge Parsons found that Proctor indeed had intended to harass and humiliate the students into abandoning their litigation support work. Judge Parsons described Proctor’s willingness to advance the plaintiffs’ case at the students’ expense as “appalling,” and “the lowest of the low.” The defense had sought Proctor’s exclusion, but Judge Parsons declined to impose this extreme sanction in favor of barring Proctor from having any contact with adversary expert witnesses or their assistants.
Conduct the following thought experiment. Imagine an historian who testifies for the defense in tobacco litigation finds out that Proctor had hired graduate students to help with research. The defense historian calls up the students’ supervisors to suggest that they are acting unethically and unprofessionally. Now close your eyes and listen to the outcry from the Wieners of the world, or from the American Historical Association! Even after the ugly facts were disclosed, there were some in in the academic historian establishment who rallied to Proctor’s defense, and tried to give Wiener cover for his mendacious coverage of the graduate student incident.[5]
Lancet-ing Adversary Expert Witnesses
Proctor’s attempt to exploit vulnerable history graduate students was not his first attempt to silence historians who disagree with him. Proctor, who has stridently criticized tobacco defense counsel for trying to “silence him,” has worked assiduously to try to silence historians who work for the other side. In a commentary piece in The Lancet, Proctor criticized colleagues who have worked on historical issues for tobacco companies’ legal defense.[6] Proctor substantively criticized his adversaries’ testimony, without providing much in the way of detail, and he implied that their work was ethically improper and rife with conflicts of interest. Perhaps more telling, Proctor himself gave conflicts disclosure that he had “worked on several occasions as an expert witness in plaintiff’s lawsuits,” without telling his readers that he was highly compensated for work.
Proctor’s one-sided analysis provoked spirited opposition from several distinguished medical historians who refused to be bullied or to acquiesce in his moral grandstanding. John C. Burnham, a Professor of History at The Ohio State, wrote a scathing letter to the Lancet’s editors, as well as opinion pieces in History News Network.[7] David Rothman, a professor at Columbia University, similarly took Proctor to task for his pretensions of doing “history” while testifying for the lawsuit industry.[8]
Perhaps the most telling rebuttal came from Professor Alan Blum, a physician and anti-tobacco activist. Dr. Blum, who is the Director of Center for the Study of Tobacco & Society, and a chaired professor at the University of Alabama, is a leading authority on the history of tobacco use and the depradations of the tobacco industry. Professor Blum found Proctor’s animadversions a bit too sanctimonious given that Proctor himself has been a compensated expert witness for the tobacco lawsuit industry.[9]
Conflicted Friends of the Court
The friend of the court brief, from disinterested third parties, is an important, potentially useful source of extra-record information and opinion for judges, both in trial and appellate courts. Historians can on occasion have important historical information, necessary for adjudication. For instance, in the theocratic zeal to strip women of their reproductive rights, historians have adduced important scholarship that abortion was lawful in all thirteen colonies at the time of the Constitutional ratification. In the context of amicus briefs, historians of course can and do overstep their distinterested roles to act as legal advocates.[10]
Speaking of overstepping, Robert Proctor filed an amicus brief in Altria Group, Inc. v. Good, which involved a tobacco industry’s challenge to Federal Trade Commission control of advertising for “light” or “lowered tar” cigarettes.[11] Accompanying Proctor were four other signatories, Allan M. Brandt, David M. Burns, Jonathan M. Samet and David Rosner.
All except for Brandt had testified multiple times as expert witnesses. Brandt, Proctor, and Samet acknowledged having testified as expert witnesses in United States v. Philip Morris USA, Inc.[12] They all conveniently forgot to note that they were remunerated, and that they had testified against Philip Morris USA, Inc. Burns, who testified as an expert witness in United States v. Philip Morris USA, Inc., failed to mention his testimonial role in that case, as well as many other tobacco cases in support of the lawsuit industry. Rosner, who had not testified in tobacco cases, failed to mention his many paid testimonial adventures for the lawsuit industry.[13]
[1] Karl Popper, Unended Quest: An Intellectual Autobiography at 141-43 (rev. ed. 2005), first published as “Autobiography by Karl Popper,” in Paul Arthur Schlipp, ed., The Philosophy of Karl Popper (1974). The incident is the subject of a book-long inquiry. David Edmonds & John Eidinow, Wittgenstein’s Poker: The Story of a Ten-Minute Argument Between Two Great Philosophers (2001).
[2] Peter Schmidt, “Big Tobacco Strikes Back at Historian in Court,” The Chronicle of Higher Education (Nov. 8, 2009).
[3] Jon Wiener, “Big Tobacco and the Historians: A tale of seduction and intimidation,” The Nation (Feb. 25, 2010).
[4] Nathan Crabbe, “UF students caught in middle of tobacco case’s controversy,” The Gainesville Sun (Dec 8, 2009).
[5] See “More debate over Jon Wiener’s tobacco exposé,” History News Network (Dec. 13, 2010).
[6] Robert N. Proctor, “Should medical historians be working for the tobacco industry?” 363 Lancet 1173 (2004).
[7] John C. Burnham, “Medical historians and the tobacco industry,” 364 Lancet 838 (2004); John C. Burnham, “In Defense of Historians as Expert Witnesses: A Rebuttal to Jon Wiener,” History News Network (Mar. 29, 2010).
[8] David Rothman, “Medical historians and the tobacco industry,” 364 Lancet 839 (2004). See also Patricia Cohen, “Historians for Hire in Industry Lawsuits,” N.Y. Times (June 13, 2003) (quoting David J. Rothman, director of the Center for the Study of Science and Medicine at the Columbia College of Physicians and Surgeons, concludes, “To enter the courtroom is to do many things, but it is not to do history”).
[9] Alan Blum, “A Dissenting View of Robert Proctor by a Fellow Anti-Smoking Advocate,” History Network News (April 26, 2010).
[10] Nell Gluckman, “Why More Historians Are Embracing the Amicus Brief,” The Chronicle of Higher Education (May 3, 2017) (quoting Harvard history professor Tomiko Brown-Nagin’s observation that “[t]o be a legal advocate is freeing”; Brown-Nagin filed an amicus brief in the 2013 Supreme Court case involving racist policies at the University of Texas).
[11] Amicus Brief of Allan M. Brandt, Robert N. Proctor, David M. Burns, Jonathan M. Samet & David Rosner, in Support of Petition for Certiorari, in Altria Group, Inc. v. Good, No. 07-562, 2008 WL 2472390, (U.S. Supreme Court June 18, 2008).
[12] United States v. Philip Morris USA, Inc., 449 F. Supp. 2d 1 (D.D.C. 2006).
[13] “The Amicus Curious Brief” (Jan. 4, 2018) (describing Rosner and many other plaintiffs’ expert witnesses’ failure to disclose their testimonial conflicts of interest when writing and filing an amicus brief in litigation that directly affected the economic viability of their testimony in asbestos cases for the lawsuit industry).
