TORTINI

For your delectation and delight, desultory dicta on the law of delicts.

History of Silicosis Litigation

January 31st, 2019

“Now, Silicosis, you’re a dirty robber and a thief;
Yes, silicosis, you’re a dirty robber and a thief;
Robbed me of my right to live,
and all you brought poor me is grief.
I was there diggin’ that tunnel for just six bits a day;
I was diggin’ that tunnel for just six bits a day;
Didn’t know I was diggin’ my own grave,
Silicosis was eatin’ my lungs away.”

Josh White, “Silicosis Is Killin’ Me (Silicosis Blues)” (1936)

Recently, David Rosner, labor historian, social justice warrior, and expert witness for the litigation industry, gave the Fielding H. Garrison Lecture, in which he argued for the importance of the work that he and his comrade-in-arms, Gerald Markowitz, have done as historian expert witnesses in tort cases.1 Although I am of course grateful for the shout out that Professor Rosner gives me,2 I am still obligated to call him on the short-comings of his account of silicosis litigation.3 Under the rubric of “the contentious struggle to define disease,” Rosner presents a tendentious account of silicosis litigation, which is highly misleading, for what it says, and in particular, for it omits.

For Rosner’s self-congratulatory view of his own role in silicosis litigation to make sense, we must imagine a counterfactual world that is the center piece of his historical narrative in which silicosis remains the scourge of the American worker, and manufacturing industry is engaged in a perpetual cover up.

Rosner’s fabulistic account of silicosis litigation and his role in it falls apart under even mild scrutiny. The hazards of silica exposure were known to Josh White and the entire country in 1936. Some silicosis litigation arose in the 1930s against employers, but plaintiffs were clearly hampered by tort doctrines of assumption of risk, contributory negligence, the fellow-servant rule. To my knowledge, there were no litigation claims against remote suppliers of silica before the late 1970s, when courts started to experiment with hyperstrict liability rules.

Eventually, the litigation industry, buoyed by its successes against asbestos-product manufacturers turned their attention to silica sand suppliers to foundries and other industrial users. Liability claims against remote suppliers of a natural raw material such as silica sand, however, made no sense in terms of the rationales of tort law. There was no disparity of information between customer and supplier; the customer, plaintiffs’ employer was not only the cheapest and most efficient cost and risk avoider, the employer was the only party that could control the risk. Workers and their unions were well aware of the hazards of working in uncontrolled silica-laden workplaces.

Although employer compliance with safety and health regulations for silica exposure has never been perfect, the problem of rampant acute silicosis, such as what afflicted the tunnel workers memorialized by Josh White, is a thing of the past in the United States. The control of silica exposures and the elimination of silicosis are rightly claimed to be one of the great public health achievements of the 20th century. See Centers Disease Control, “Ten Great Public Health Achievements — United States, 1900-1999,” 48 Morbidity & Mortality Weekly Report 241 (April 02, 1999).

Interestingly, after World War II, silicosis has been a much greater problem in the communist countries, such as China, the countries that made up the Soviet Union. Rosner and Markowitz, however, like the leftist intellectuals of the 1950s who could not bring themselves to criticize Stalin, seem blind to the sorry state of workplace safety in communist countries. Their blindness vitiates their historical project, which attempts to reduce occupational diseases and other workplace hazards to the excesses of corporate capitalism. A fair comparison with non-capitalist systems would reveal that silicosis results from many motives and conditions, including inattention, apathy, carelessness, concern with productivity, party goals, and labor-management rivalries. In the case of silicosis, ignorance of the hazards of silica is the least likely explanation for silicosis cases arising out of workplace exposures after the mid-1930s.

In the United States, silicosis litigation has been infused with fraud and deception, not by the defendants, but by the litigation industry that creates lawsuits. Absent from Rosner’s historical narratives is any mention of the frauds that have led to dismissals of thousands of cases, and the professional defrocking of any number of physician witnesses.  In re Silica Products Liab. Litig., MDL No. 1553, 398 F.Supp. 2d 563 (S.D.Tex. 2005).

Nor does Rosner deign to discuss the ethical and legal breaches committed by the plaintiffs’ counsel in conducting radiographic screenings of workers, in the hopes of creating lawsuits. With the help of unscrupulous physicians, these screenings were unnaturally successful not only in detecting silicosis that did not exist, but in some cases, in transmuting real asbestosis into silicosis.4

Many silicosis cases in recent times were accompanied by more subtle frauds, which turned on the “failure-to-warn” rhetoric implicit in the Restatement (Second) of Torts § 402A. Consider the outbreak of silicosis litigation in western Pennsylvania, in the mid-1980s. Many of the men who claimed to have silicosis had significant silica exposure at the Bethlehem and U.S. Steel foundries in the Johnstown areas. Some of the claimants actually had simple silicosis, although discovery of these claimants’ workplace records revealed that they had been non-compliant with workplace safety rules.

The Johnstown, Cambria County, cases were not the result of unlawful medical screenings, paid for by plaintiffs’ lawyers and conducted by physicians of dubious integrity and medical acumen. Instead, the plaintiffs’ lawyers found their claimants as a result of the claimants’ having had previous workers’ compensation claims for silicosis, which resulted after the workers were diagnosed by employer medical screening programs.

Cambria County Courthouse in Ebensburg, PA (venue for an outbreak of silicosis litigation in the 1980s and early 1990s5)

The first of the foundrymen’s cases was set for trial in 1989, 30 years ago, in Cambria County, Pennsylvania. The silica cases were on the docket of the President Judge, the Hon. Joseph O’Kicki, who turned out to be less than honorable. Just before the first silica trial, Judge O’Kicki was arrested on charges of corruption, as well as lewdness (for calling in his female staff while lounging in chambers in his panties).

As a result of O’Kicki’s arrest, the only Cambria Country trial we saw in 1989 was the criminal trial of Judge O’Kicki, in Northampton County. In April 1989, a jury found O’Kicki guilty of bribery and corruption, although it acquitted him on charges of lewdness.6 Facing a sentence of over 25 years, and a second trial on additional charges, O’Kicki returned to the land of his forebears, Slovenia, where he lived out his days and contributed to the surplus population.7

Whatever schadenfreude experienced by the defendants in the Cambria County silicosis litigation was quickly dispelled by the assignment of the silica cases to the Hon. Eugene Creany, who proved to be an active partisan for the plaintiffs’ cause. Faced with a large backlog of cases created by the rapacious filings of the Pittsburgh plaintiffs’ lawfirms, and Judge O’Kicki’s furlough from judicial service, Judge Creany devised various abridgements of due process, the first of which was to consolidate cases. As a result, the first case up in 1990 was actually three individual cases “clustered” for a single jury trial: Harmotta, Phillips, and Peterson.8 To poke due process in both eyes, Judge Creany made sure that one of the “clustered” cases was a death case (Peterson).

Jury selection started in earnest on April 2, 1990, with opening statements set for April 4. In between, the defense made the first of its many motions for mistrial, when defense lawyers observed one of the plaintiffs, Mr. Phillips, having breakfast with some of the jurors in the courthouse cafeteria. Judge Creany did not seem to think that this pre-game confabulation was exceptional, and admonished the defense that folks in Cambria County are just friendly, but they are fair. Trial slogged on for four weeks, with new abridgments of due process almost every day, such as forcing defendants, with adverse interests and positions, into having one direct- and one cross-examination of each witness. The last motion for mistrial was provoked by Judge Creany’s walking into the jury room during its deliberations, to deliver doughnuts.

At the end of the day, in May 1990, the jury proved to be much fairer than the trial judge. Judge Creany instructed the jury that “silica was the defect,” and on other novel points of law. Led by its foreman, a union organizer for the United Mine Workers, the jury returned a defense verdict in the Peterson case, which involved a claim that Mr. Peterson’s heart attack death case was caused by his underlying silicosis. In the two living plaintiffs’ cases, the jury found that the men had knowingly assumed the risk of silicosis, but at the judge’s insistence, the jury proceeded to address defendants’ liability, and to assess damages, in the amount of $22,500, in the two cases.

Pennsylvania’s appellate courts took a dim view of plaintiffs’ efforts to hold remote silica suppliers responsible for silicosis arising out of employment by large, sophisticated steel manufacturers. The Superior Court, Pennsylvania’s intermediate appellate court, reversed and remanded both plaintiffs’ verdicts. In Mr. Harmotta’s case, the court held that his action was collaterally estopped by a previous workman’s compensation judge’s finding that he did not have silicosis. In Mr. Phillip’s case, the court addressed the ultimate issue, whether a remote supplier to a sophisticated intermediary can be liable for silicosis that resulted from the intermediary’s employment and use of the supplied raw material. In what was a typical factual scenario of supply of silica to foundry employers, the Superior Court held that there was no strict or negligence liability for the employees’ silicosis.9 The Pennsylvania Supreme Court declined to hear Harmotta’s appeal on collateral estoppels, but heard an appeal in Phillips’ case. The Supreme Court pulled back from the sophisticated intermediary rationale for reversal, and placed its holding instead on the obvious lack of proximate cause between the alleged failure to warn and the claimed harm, given the jury’s special finding of assumed risk.10

One of plaintiffs’ counsel’s principal arguments, aimed at the union organizer on the jury, was that even if a warning to the individual plaintiffs might not have changed their behavior, a warning to the union would have been effective. The case law involving claims against unions for failing to warn have largely exculpated unions and taken them out of the warning loop. Given this case law, plaintiffs’ argument was puzzling, but the puzzlement turned to outrage when we learned after the first trial that Judge Creany had been a union solicitor, in which role, he had regularly written to U.S. Steel in Johnstown, to notify the employer when one of the local union members had been diagnosed with silicosis.

The next natural step seemed to list Judge Creany as a percipient fact witness to the pervasive knowledge of silicosis among the workforce and especially among the union leadership. Judge Creany did not take kindly to being listed as a fact witness, or being identified in voire dire as a potential witness. Still, the big lie about failure to warn and worker and labor union ignorance had been uncovered. Judge Creany started to delegate trials to other judges in the courthouse and to bring judges in from neighboring counties. The defense went on win the next dozen or so cases, before the plaintiffs’ lawyers gave up on their misbegotten enterprise of trying to use Pennsylvania’s hyperstrict liability rules to make remote silica suppliers pay for the fault of workers and their employers.

You won’t find any mention of the Cambria County saga in Rosner or Markowitz’s glorified accounts of silicosis litigation. The widespread unlawful screenings, the “double dipping” by asbestos claimants seeking a second paycheck for fabricated silicosis, the manufactured diagnoses and product identification do not rent space in Rosner and Markowitz’s fantastical histories.


2 See, e.g., Nathan A. Schachtman, “On Deadly Dust and Histrionic Historians: Preliminary Thoughts on History and Historians as Expert Witnesses,” 2 Mealey’s Silica Litigation Report Silica 1, 2 (November 2003); Nathan Schachtman & John Ulizio, “Courting Clio:  Historians and Their Testimony in Products Liability Action,” in: Brian Dolan & Paul Blanc, eds., At Work in the World: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on the History of Occupational and Environmental Health, Perspectives in Medical Humanities, University of California Medical Humanities Consortium, University of California Press (2012); Schachtman, “On Deadly Dust & Histrionic Historians 041904,”; How Testifying Historians Are Like Lawn-Mowing Dogs” (May 15, 2010)A Walk on the Wild Side (July 16, 2010); Counter Narratives for Hire (Dec. 13, 2010); Historians Noir (Nov. 18, 2014); Succès de scandale – With Thanks to Rosner & Markowitz” (Mar. 26, 2017). And of course, I have experienced some schadenfreude for when one of the Pink Panthers was excluded in a case in which he was disclosed as a testifying expert witness. Quester v. B.F. Goodrich Co., Case No. 03-509539, Court of Common Pleas for Cuyahoga Cty., Ohio, Order Sur Motion to Exclude Dr. Gerald Markowitz (Sweeney, J.).

3 “Trying Times” is the sixth Rosnowitz publication to point to me as a source of criticism of the Rosner-Markowitz radical leftist history of silicosis in the United States. See David Rosner, “Trying Times: The Courts, the Historian, and the Contentious Struggle to Define Disease,” 91 Bull. History Med. 473, 491-92 & n.32 (2017); Previously, Rosner and Markowitz have attempted to call me out in four published articles and one book. See D. Rosner & G. Markowitz, “The Trials and Tribulations of Two Historians:  Adjudicating Responsibility for Pollution and Personal Harm, 53 Medical History 271, 280-81 (2009); D. Rosner & G. Markowitz, “L’histoire au prétoire.  Deux historiens dans les procès des maladies professionnelles et environnementales,” 56 Revue  D’Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine 227, 238-39 (2009); David Rosner, “Trials and Tribulations:  What Happens When Historians Enter the Courtroom,” 72 Law & Contemporary Problems 137, 152 (2009); David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, “The Historians of Industry” Academe (Nov. 2010); and Gerald Markowitz and David Rosner, Deceit and Denial: The Deadly Politics of Industrial Pollution at 313-14 (U. Calif. rev. ed. 2013). 

4 Nathan A. Schachtman, “State Regulators Impose Sanction Unlawful Screenings 05-25-07,” Washington Legal Foundation Legal Opinion Letter, vol. 17, no. 13 (May 2007); “Silica Litigation – Screening, Scheming, and Suing,” Washington Legal Foundation Critical Legal Issues Working Paper (December 2005); Medico-Legal Issues in Occupational Lung Disease Litigation,” 27 Seminars in Roentgenology140 (1992).

5 by Publichall – own work, CC BY-SA 3.0.

6 Assoc’d Press, “Pennsylvania County Judge Guilty of Corruption,” (April 18, 1989).

7 U.P.I., “Facing Prison, Convicted Judge Skips Bail,” (Mar. 8, 1993); “Judge O’kicki Declared Fugitive; May Be In Slovenia,” The Morning Call (April 20, 1993).

8 Harmotta v. Walter C. Best, Inc., Cambria Cty. Ct. C.P. No. 1986-128; Phillips v. Walter C. Best, Inc., Cambria Cty. Ct. C.P. No. 1987-434(b)(10); Peterson v. Walter C. Best, Inc., Cambria Cty. Ct. C.P. No. 1986-678.

9 Phillips v. A.P. Green Co., 428 Pa. Super. 167, 630 A.2d 874 (1993).

10 Phillips v. A-Best Products Co., 542 Pa. 124, 665 A.2d 1167 (1995).

Selikoff Timeline & Asbestos Litigation History

December 20th, 2018

The critics and cheerleaders of Dr. Irving John Selikoff agree that he was a charming, charismatic, and courageous man, a compassionate physician, and a zealous advocate for worker safety and health. The consensus falls apart over the merits of Selikoff’s actual research, his credentials, and his advocacy tactics.1

Selikoff’s collaborators, protégés, and fellow travelers tend to brand any challenge or criticism as “scurrilous.”2 They attack the messenger for attacking the messenger. Certainly in his lifetime, Selikoff attracted harsh and vituperative attacks, some of which were mean-spirited and even anti-semitic.

Although I am not a Jew, I am, following Jonathan Miller, “Jew-ish, just not the whole hog.” As such, I can appreciate the ire of some of Selikoff’s defenders over the nature of these attacks. Selikoff’s legitimate achievements should not be diminished, and his defenders are correct to bemoan the ad hominem attacks on Selikoff, based upon ethnicity and personal characteristics.

Selikoff’s defenders are wrong, however, to claim that Selikoff’s training, scientific acumen, advocacy, and false positive claims are somehow off limits. Selikoff advanced his scientific and political agenda by promoting his reputation and work, and he thus put his credentials, work, and methods into issue. Selikoff’s contributions to public health in publicizing the dangers of high exposure, long-term asbestos exposure do not privilege every position he took. Selikoff is a difficult case because he was wrong on many issues, and his reputation, authority and prestige ultimately became much greater than the evidence would ultimately support.

Although Selikoff died in 1992, his legacy lives on in the perpetual litigation machine that is run by the litigation industry and Selikoff’s juniors and imitators, who serve as testifying expert witnesses. One of Selikoff’s great achievements, the federalization of worker safety and health in the Williams-Steiger Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970,3 languishes because of inadequate resources for enforcement and frivolous efforts to address non-existent problems, such as the lowering of the crystalline silica permissible exposure limit. Activists have taken to redress the problem by advocating for nugatory “warnings” from remote suppliers, in the face of employer failures to monitor and supervise workers and the workplace, and to provide administrative, engineering, and personal protective controls.

Selikoff diverted regulatory attention from asbestos fiber type, with the result that the OSHA PELs were lowered for both chrysotile and amphibole asbestos, thus leaving the ultra-hazardous crocidolite asbestos in use. Selikoff perpetuated a good deal of mischief and misinformation to keep his myth that all fiber types are the same (and that “asbestos is asbestos is asbestos”). In doing so, he actually hurt people.

An anonymous snark on Wikipedia noted some of my blog posts about Selikoff, and offered the lame criticism that my writings were not peer reviewed.4 The snark (Tweedale?) was of course correct on this limited point, but generally in this field, peer review is worth a warm bucket of spit.And the Selikoffophiles continue to tell tall tales about Selikoff’s work and in particular about how he became involved in asbestos medicine. See, e.g., Philip Landrigan, “Stephen Levin, MD, honored with the Collegium Ramazzini’s Irving J. Selikoff Memorial Award in 2009.”So here is a timeline of Selikoff’s life and asbestos work. If anyone notes an error or inconsistency in this time line, please contact me, provide better sources, and ask for a correction. If I am wrong, I will readily note the correction and eat my words, but I am sure they will be quite digestible.5  

Jan. 15, 1915.  Irving John Selikoff was born as Irving Selecoff in the brain basket of America, Brooklyn, New York, to Abraham and Matilda (Tillie) Selecoff.6 His father, Abraham, was born on April 6, 1885, in the Kiev oblast of what is now Ukraine.7

1920.  According to the 1920 census, the Selekoff family lived at 816 179th Street, in the Bronx. Irving’s father, Abraham, was self-employed as a hat manufacturer, doing business later as United Headwear Corporation.8 The family had two children, Irving, and his older sister, Gladys.

1930. Asbestos workers’ journal published a story about the (non-malignant) risks of asbestos exposure. See The Asbestos Menace,” The Asbestos Worker 9-11 (Sept. 1930).

June 1935.  Selikoff was graduated from Columbia University, with a B.S. degree.

December 1935.  Selikoff arrived Boston from Yarmouth, on the S.S. Yarmouth, on December 24, 1935, apparently en route from Scotland.

August 1936.  Selikoff sat for the university entrance boards in Scotland.

September 1936.  Selikoff married Lydia Kapilian, in the Bronx.9

October 1936.  Selikoff entered Anderson’s College of Medicine, in Glasgow, Scotland.10

1936.  Alice Hamilton published an article on the risks and benefits of industrial asbestos use, in a key labor unionist journal. Alice Hamilton, “Industrial Poisons,” 43 The American Federationist 707-13 (1936).

April 26, 1937.  Selikoff arrived in New York, from Greenock, Scotland, on the S.S. Carinthia.

July 14, 1938.  Selikoff arrived in Quebec, from Greenock, Scotland, on the S.S. Duchess Atholl.

June 24, 1939.  Selikoff arrived in New York, from Liverpool, London, on the S.S. Mauretania. Because of the developing hostilities in Europe, Selikoff apparently did not return to Glasgow, in the fall of 1939.

November 1939.  Unable to return to Scotland, Selikoff applied to Melbourne University for coursework to finish his non-degree course of qualification for medication practice in the United Kingdom.11

Mar. 4, 1940.  Selecoff (as his name was then often spelled) arrived in Vancouver from Sydney, on the S.S. Aorangi.

April 1940.  Irving Selikoff was living with his parents, and his married sister and her family, in Rye, New York, according to the 1940 census, taken on April 10, 1940.

May 27, 1940.  Selikoff enrolled in the University of Melbourne as a non-degree student, for coursework to finish his qualification for medical license in Scotland.12

Mar. 24, 1941.  Selikoff arrived in Los Angeles, California, from Sydney, Australia, on the S.S. Mariposa. According to Bartrip, Selikoff had completed his last course at the University of Melbourne, for his “tailor-made” program, on February 27, 1941. Selikoff never gained entrance to a degree program at Melbourne.13

1941.  Selikoff joined the Mount Sinai Hospital as an assistant in Anatomy and Pathology, “immediately following his university training.”14

November 1, 1943.  Selikoff received an M.D., degree from Middlesex University,15 after two semesters in residence. This school was regarded as “substandard” and not approved by the American Medical Association. The school lost its accreditation in 1946, and closed.16 After receiving this degree, Selikoff continued his efforts to return to Scotland, to complete his “triple qualification” for medical licensure in Scotland, which would allow him to sit for the licensing examination in one of the United States.

1943 – 1944.  Selikoff served as an intern, at the Beth Israel Hospital, in Newark, New Jersey.17

1944 – 1946.  Selikoff served as a resident, at the Sea View Hospital, in New York City.18

April 23, 1945.  Selikoff was listed in the British Medical Registry, based upon his qualification by the Scottish Conjoint Board for his work at Anderson’s and his non-degree work at the University of Melbourne.19

June 2, 1945.  Selikoff arrived in Montreal, Quebec, from Liverpool, England, on the S.S. Axel Johnson.

February 1946.  Selikoff married Celia Schiffrin in Manhattan.20 It was the second marriage for both bride and groom.

1947.  After having left Mt. Sinai Hospital, in 1943, for an internship and a residency, Selikoff resumed his association with Mt. Sinai Hospital.21

1949.  Selikoff opened a medical office at 707 Broadway, Paterson, New Jersey,22 not far from a factory run by the Union Asbestos and Rubber Company (UNARCO). In the same year, the Selikoffs were living at 965 Fifth Avenue, near 78th Street, in Manhattan.23 By the early 1950s, Selikoff and his wife had moved to 505 Upper Boulevard, Ridgewood, New Jersey.

1950.  Selikoff’s medical practice in Paterson, New Jersey, afforded him the opportunity to observe “the incidence of lung disease among workers at the Union Asbestos and Rubber Company (UNARCO),”24 which operated one of its factories in Paterson.

1951.  New Jersey lawyer Carl Gelman retained Dr. Irving Selikoff to examine 17 workers from the Paterson plant of Union Asbestos and Rubber Company (UNARCO). Gelman filed workers’ compensation claims on behalf of the UNARCO workers.25

1952.  Supported by Selikoff’s report, UNARCO worker Anton Szczesniak settled his worker’s compensation case, involving “intestinal cancer,” for $2,000 in 1952.26 Selikoff published data on the carcinogenicity of amosite in 1972,27 a delay of twenty years.28

1952.  Selikoff and colleagues published the results of a clinical trial of isoniazid for tuberculosis patients.29

1952.  Selikoff was featured in Life magazine coverage of isoniazid, a chemotherapy for tuberculosis.30

1952.  Selikoff was an assistant attending physician for thoracic diseases in the department of thoracic diseases at Mt. Sinai Hospital. In this year, Selikoff delivered the monthly Physiological Chemistry Seminar lecture at Mt. Sinai Hospital on: “Antitubercular Hydrazines,” along with Drs. H. H. Fox and Richard J. Schnitzer, of Hoffman-La Roche.

1955.  Selikoff received the Albert Lasker Clinical Medical Research Award for his work on the clinical trial of isoniazid to treat tuberculosis, along with Walsh McDermott and Carl Muschenheim, of the Hoffmann-La Roche Research Laboratories, and Edward H. Robitzek, of the Squibb Institute for Medical Research.31

1954.  UNARCO closed its Paterson, New Jersey plant, and moved it to Tyler, Texas.32

1955.  Selikoff’s involvement in the isoniazid clinical trials continued to attract media attention. His first television appearance was panned, but he would later develop considerable public speaking skills.33

1955.  Sir Richard Doll published his epidemiologic study of lung cancer among British asbestos workers.34 This study was known to Selikoff, who relied upon it in his litigation reports to support the compensation claims of asbestos workers in the 1950s.35  Labor unions were aware of the causal claim. Herbert K. Abrams, union physician and the Medical Director of Local 25 Chicago, Building Service Employees International Union, concluded that asbestos causes cancer in a prominent union journal. Herbert K. Abrams, “Cancer in Industry,” American Federationist (1955). Dr. Abrams’ article was republished in many union newsletters. See also Lester Breslow, LeMar Hoaglin, Gladys Rasmussen & Herbert K. Abrams, “Occupations and Cigarette Smoking as Factors in Lung Cancer,” 44 Am. J. Pub. Health. 171, 171 (1954).

1956.  Selikoff became an associate attending physician for thoracic disease at Mt. Sinai Hospital.

1957.  Attorney William L. Brach filed perhaps the first civil action (as opposed to worker’s compensation claim), on behalf of Frederick LeGrande, against Johns-Manville, for asbestos-related disease, on July 17, 1957. Frederick LeGrande v. Johns-Manville Prods. Corp., No. 741-57 (D.N.J.).

1957. President Sickles, International Convention of the Asbestos Heat, Frost and Insulators Union, reported to his unions delegates that he “[b]eing well aware of the health hazards in the Asbestos industry, requested authority for the General Executive Board to make a study of the health hazards … that will enable the Board to adopt any policies that will tend to protect the health of our International membership.” The Asbestos Worker at 1 (Oct, 1957) (reporting on the Asbestos Workers’ 19th General Convention).

1960.  Dr. J. Christopher Wagner published a case series of mesothelioma among persons exposed to crocidolite, in the region of South Africa where crocidolite is mined and milled. After this publication, the causal role of crocidolite became quickly accepted in the scientific and medical community.36

1960-1961.  Selikoff published two papers on the patho-physiology of asbestosis, based on data from 17 UNARCO workers,37 obtained from his medico-legal evaluations of the men.38

Irving and Celia Selikoff in 1961 Brazilian visa documents

1961. Asbestos insulators’ union discussed collaboration with scientists to discuss lung cancer and other diseases among its membership.39 Union members, intensely interested in legal redress for compensation, became aware of Selikoff’s research hypothesis in advance of Selikoff’s survey of the members’ smoking habits, which the workers had a motive to under report.

November 1961. The Asbestos insulators’ union’s magazine featured a full page warning of the grim reaper urging insulators to Wear Your Respirator.” The Asbestos Worker (Nov. 1961). The warning was developed under the guidance of C. V. Krieger of Local No. 28, Safety Superintendent at the Long Beach Naval Shipyard.

July 12, 1962.  Selikoff visited Asbestos Corporation of America, an intermediary broker of asbestos fibers. In a memorandum Selikoff prepared from his discussions with Wade I. Duym, the general manager of the company, and others, he detailed the widespread use of amphibole asbestos fibers in a variety of products. He noted that amosite was used primarily in the insulation trade, and that it was the asbestos “of choice” for sprayed-on products, high temperature insulating cements and pipecovering (magnesia and calcium silicates). Selikoff described crocidolite, from Africa and Bolivia, as a strong, chemically resistant, relatively inexpensive fiber that was used in asbestos cement products, and in Kent cigarette filters.

September 1962. Selikoff presented to a meeting of the Asbestos Workers, to request their help in conducting his study of insulator mortality and morbidity. Irving Selikoff, “Speech at Asbestos Workers Union Annual Meeting,” The Asbestos Worker 8 (Sept. 1962).

1962.  Asbestos insulators’ union acknowledged that its leadership has been collaborating with Dr. Irving Selikoff.40 In September 1962, Selikoff and colleagues began physical examinations of members of the New York and New Jersey locals.41`

1962.  In a publication for Naval personnel, with virtually no circulation in the general industrial community, the United States government acknowledged that shipyard and on-board exposures greatly exceeded the ACGIH’s then current TLV for asbestos.42

1963.  Selikoff established the Environmental Sciences Laboratory, later known as the Division of Environmental and Occupational Medicine, in the Mt. Sinai School of Medicine’s Department of Community Medicine.

1964.  Selikoff published his first article on cancer in a cohort of union asbestos insulators from New York and New Jersey.43 Selikoff and his co-authors failed to disclose funding from the union, or the union members’ awareness of the research hypotheses under investigation.

1964.  In October 1964, Selikoff organized and co-chaired (with Dr. Jacob Churg) a conference, “The Biological Effects of Asbestos, for the New York Academy of Sciences, in New York City. The conference featured presentations and papers from many international investigators. Several presenters, including Selikoff, documented the prevalent use of amphibole asbestos (both crocidolite and amosite) in the United States.44

1965.  Papers presented at the 1964 New York Academy of Sciences conference were published in late 1965, in a non-peer reviewed publication, volume 132, of the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences.

1966.  Selikoff testified on behalf of insulator claiming that his asbestos exposure caused his colorectal cancer.45 Forty years later, the Institute of Medicine (now the National Academy of Medicine) comprehensively reviewed the extant evidence and announced that the evidence was “suggestive but not sufficient to infer a causal relationship between asbestos exposure and pharyngeal, stomach, and colorectal cancers.”46

1966 – 1972.  Selikoff testified frequently in civil action and in worker compensation proceedings for claimants who alleged asbestos-related injuries.47 In 1972, Andrew Haas, President of the asbestos workers’ union thanked Selikoff for his “frequent” expert witness testimony on behalf of union members.48

September 1967. In an address to the International Association of Heat and Frost Insulators and Asbestos Workers, Selikoff acknowledged the widespread use of amosite, particularly in shipyards, the absence of lung cancer among non-smoking insulation workers, and the failure of more than 9 out of 10 insulators to wear respirators on dusty jobs. See Irving J. Selikoff, Address to the delegates of the twenty-first convention of the International Association of Heat and Frost Insulators and Asbestos Workers at 8, 9-10, 24 (Chicago, Illinois, Sept. 1967) (“I have yet to see a lung cancer in an asbestos worker who didn’t smoke cigarettes. … “[C]ancer of the lung could be wiped out in your trade if you people wouldn’t smoke cigarettes, period.”).

September 1968.  Selikoff “warns” the United States of asbestos hazards that existed and continue to exist in the government’s shipyards.49 The warning was largely about seeking media attention by Selikoff; the government, and especially the Navy, had long known of asbestos hazards.50

May 1968.  Selikoff testified that all fibers are equally potent, to Congress in support of a bill that would become the OSH Act.

1969.  Selikoff served as president of the New York Academy of Sciences.

1972.  Selikoff was shown to consistently over-read chest radiographs for potential asbestos-related abnormalities.51

1973.  Selikoff  testified for the government in United States v. Reserve Mining Co., No. 5-72 Civil 19 (D. Minn. Sept. 21, 1973).52 On September 20, Selikoff testified about the town where Reserve Mining’s taconite mine was located: “I think we ought to have a sign at the entrance to sections of the town ‘Please Close Your Windows Before Driving Through’. I certainly would want to close mine.” When his testimony continued the following day, Selikoff acknowledged that he had been “facetious” in his previous day’s testimony.53

1974. After having given “facetious” testimony, Selikoff stopped testifying. Marxist historians Jock McCulloch and Geoffrey Tweedale suggest that Selikoff “ avoided the drama of the courtroom and the role of the expert witness” because of the drain on his time, his desire to avoid antagonizing industry, and his need to prevent discovery of trade union medical files.54

1974.  Selikoff published a review on asbestos and gastrointestinal cancer, without disclosing his funding from the asbestos insulation union or his receipt of fees for litigation work in which he maintained a causal relationship in advance of any data.55

July 1978.  The National Cancer Institute (NCI) invited Dr. Hans Weill to co-chair a conference on lung cancer surveillance. Ten days later, the NCI retracted the invitation. When Weill inquired about the reasons for the shoddy treatment, an NCI official (Margaret Sloan) told him that “representatives of organized labor” objected to his participation. Sloan’s superior at NCI stated that Selikoff had raised the question whether the conference’s recommendations would lose credibility if Weill were a co-chair. When asked about his role in this sordid affair, Selikoff equivocated, saying he had “simply” said that “[s]ince Weill was a consultant to the Asbestos Information Center, I didn’t know if this would enhance or detract from hearing all points of view.”56

Nov. 5, 1979.  Barry Castleman, career testifier for asbestos claimants, prepared a memorandum to Selikoff to urge him to resist allowing discovery of asbestos worker union members’ knowledge of the hazards of asbestos.57

1981.  Sir Richard Doll and Professor Richard Peto published a rebuttal to wildly exaggerated asbestos risk assessments based upon Selikoff’s insulator studies.58

1984.  Selikoff prepared a report on his group’s epidemiologic study of Electric Boat employees, who were engaged in the construction of submarines.59 The data did not fit the Mt. Sinai Catechism of large increased risks.60 Selikoff never published these data in a medical journal or a textbook.61

March 1986.  Selikoff’s wife, Celia, died.62

1987 – 1989.  Selikoff’s insulator cohort study data took on an outsize importance in litigation because of plaintiffs’ heavy reliance upon his studies in court cases. When litigants asked for these data, Selikoff consistently refused to share, which necessitated federal court intervention.63

1988.  Selikoff and William Nicholson prepared a manuscript report of a study of the mortality experience at a New Jersey asbestos product manufacturing plant of Johns Manville.64 Their report documented the substantial use of crocidolite in various products, and the resulting horrific mesothelioma mortality. Selikoff never published this crocidolite-exposed cohort, although he tirelessly republished his insulator cohort data repeatedly with the misrepresentation that the insulators were not exposed to crocidolite.

June 7 to June 9, 1990. Selikoff conspired with Ron Motley and others to pervert the course of justice by inviting judges with active asbestos dockets to a one-sided conference on asbestos science, and to pay for their travel and lodging. In his invitation to this ex parte soirée, Selikoff failed to mention that the funding came from plaintiffs’ counsel.65  Shortly after the Third Circuit spoke on the Mt. Sinai dress rehearsal for the plaintiffs’ asbestos property damage trial case, Judge Jack Weinstein issued a curious mea culpa. Because of a trial in progress, Judge Weinstein did not attend the “Third Wave” conference, but he and a state judge (Justice Helen Freedman) attended an ex parte private luncheon meeting with Dr. Selikoff. Here is how Judge Weinstein described the event:

But what I did may have been even worse [than Judge Kelly’s conduct that led to his disqualification]. A state judge and I were attempting to settle large numbers of asbestos cases. We had a private meeting with Dr. Irwin [sic] J. Selikoff at his hospital office to discuss the nature of his research. He had never testified and would never testify. Nevertheless, I now think that it was a mistake not to have informed all counsel in advance and, perhaps, to have had a court reporter present and to have put that meeting on the record.”66

What is curious is that Judge Weinstein, usually a careful judge and scholar, was so incorrect about Dr. Selikoff’s having never testified. His account suggests that Dr. Selikoff was the source for this falsehood. 67

Oct. 2, 1990.  Selikoff wrote to Judge Jack Weinstein and Justice Helen Freedman, presumably after the “regrettable” ex parte luncheon meeting, to hold forth with his views on the health effects of occupational and para-occupational exposure to asbestos.

May 20, 1992.  Selikoff dies several months before the U.S. Court of Appeals condemns the Selikoff-Motley conspiracy.68

2013.  Follow up of the national insulator cohort fails to support multiplicative interaction between smoking and asbestos for lung cancer outcomes in the absence of asbestosis.69


1 Rachel Maines, Asbestos and Fire: Technological Tradeoffs and the Body at Risk 155 (2005) (“charming, courageous, and compassion medical professional with more charisma than credentials”).

2 Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, Shooting the messenger: the vilification of Irving J. Selikoff,” 37 Internat’l J. Health Services 619 (2007); Scientific Prestige, Reputation, Authority & The Creation of Scientific Dogmas” (Oct. 4, 2014); David Egilman, Geoffrey Tweedale, Jock McCulloch, William Kovarik, Barry Castleman, William Longo, Stephen Levin, and Susanna Rankin Bohme, “P.W.J. Bartrip’s Attack on Irving J. Selikoff,” 46 Am. J. Indus. Med. 151, 152 (2004) [Egilman (2004)].

3 84 Stat. 1590, et seq., 29 U.S.C. § 651, et seq.

5 See Wikipedia, “Irving Selikoff” (last visited Dec. 4, 2018).

6 Kings County Birth Certificate no. 4595 (Jan. 15, 1915). His family later adopted the surname Selikoff. Irving Selikoff’s social security records list his father as Abraham Selikoff and his mother as Tillie Katz.

7 Abraham Selecoff World War II draft registration, serial no. U1750.

8 Abraham Selecoff World War II draft registration, serial no. U1750.

9 Bronx marriage certificate no. 8246 (Sept. 27, 1936); Bronx marriage license no. 8652 (Sept. 24, 1936). Irving’s parents were listed as Abraham Selikoff and Tillie Katz. His residence was at 109 W. 112th Street. Lydia was listed as the daughter of Mendel Kapilian and Bessie Weller. Irving and Lydia were divorced sometime between 1939 and 1941. The marriage certificates stated Lydia to have been 21 years old. Her Social Security records (SSN 112-052-2143), however, gave her birth date as April 22, 1917, (making her 19), and subsequent marriage names of Quint and Teichner.

10 This and other details of Selikoff’s checkered medical education come from Peter Bartrip’s exposé. Although Bartrip’s research was attacked for its allegedly gratuitous attacks on Selikoff’s research prowess, Bartrip’s account of Selikoff’s medical education in Scotland, Australia, and the United States has gone largely unrebutted, and must for the present be accepted. Peter W.J. Bartrip, “Irving John Selikoff and the Strange Case of the Missing Medical Degrees,” 58 J. History Med. 8 (2003) [Bartrip 2003]; Peter Bartrip, “Around the World in Nine Years: A Medical Education Revisited,” 59 J. History of Med. 135 (2004). One group of plaintiffs’ expert witnesses took Bartrip to task for not disclosing that he had served as a defense expert witness, but none of the complainants disclosed their substantial testimonial adventures for the litigation industry! While making some interesting points, these critics of Bartrip did not really contest his historical work on Selikoff: “Bartrip’s critiques of Anderson’s College (AC) and Middlesex University School of Medicine (MSUM) may be accurate, but are beside the point.” David Egilman, Geoffrey Tweedale, Jock McCulloch, William Kovarik, Barry Castleman, William Longo, Stephen Levin, and Susanna Rankin Bohme, “P.W.J. Bartrip’s Attack on Irving J. Selikoff,” 46 Am. J. Indus. Med. 151, 152 (2004).

11 Bartrip 2003, at 15 & n.44-51.

12 Bartrip 2003, at 17 & n.54-55.

13 Bartrip 2003 at 18.

14 William J. Nicholson & Alvin S. Teirstein, “Remembering Irving J. Selikoff,” 61 Mt. Sinai J. Med. 500 (1994) [Nicholson & Teirstein]. This account seems doubtful.

15 See Stephen Rushmore, “Middlesex University School of Medicine,” 230 New Engl. J. Med. 217 (1944).

16 Anthony Seaton, “The Strange Case of Irving Selikoff,” 60 Occup. Med. 53 (2010); Peter W.J. Bartrip, “Irving John Selikoff and the Strange Case of the Missing Medical Degrees,” 58 J. History Med. 3, 27 & n.88-92 (2003).

17 Bartrip 2003 at 22.

18 Bartrip 2003 at 22.

19 Bartrip 2003 at 21.

20 New York County marriage license no. 3879 (Feb. 2, 1946). Celia had been married to Nathan Michaels in 1937. Manhattan Marriage License no. 21454 (1937).

21 Nicholson & Teirstein.

22 City Directory of Paterson, New Jersey at p. 218 (1949).

23 Manhattan Telephone Directory (1949).

24 George W. Conk, “Deadly Dust: Occupational Health and Safety as a Driving Force in Workers’ Compensation Law and the Development of Tort Doctrine,” 69 Rutgers L. Rev. 1140, 1154 & n. 136 (2017).

25 Jon L. Gelman, “History of Asbestos and the Law” (Jan. 2, 2001). Carl Gelman was a life-long Paterson resident. His legal practice specialized in workers’ compensation, and he chaired state bar association’s workers’ compensation section for several years. His practice represented claimants from 1936, until his retirement in 1986. In the mid-1970s, with Karl Asch, Gelman’s firm sued asbestos suppliers to Raybestos Manhattan on behalf of multiple employees.Gelman died on February 24, 2009. “Obituary for Carl Gelman,” The Record/Herald News (Mar. 16, 2009); “163 Who Had Jobs at Raybestos Sue,” N.Y. Times (May 7, 1975). The suit for $326 million settled for $15.5 million.

26 Barry I. Castleman, Asbestos: Medical and Legal Aspects at 142 (1984); Matt Mauney, “Unarco,” Mesothelioma Center (Nov. 2018). Of course, there were no data to support this claim in 1952. Selikoff was publically and positionally committed to his causal hypothesis as a conclusion well in advance of conducting any studies or having any supporting data.

27 Irving J. Selikoff, E. Cuyler Hammond, and Jacob Churg, “The carcinogenicity of amosite asbestos,” 25 Arch. Envt’l Health 183 (1972). This 1972 publication was the first epidemiologic study on the carcinogenicity of amosite.

28 David E. Lilienfeld, “The Silence: The Asbestos Industry and Early Occupational Cancer Research – A Case Study,” 81 Am. J. Pub. Health 791 (1991).

29 Irving J. Selikoff, Edward H. Robitzek, and George G. Ornstein, “Treatment of pulmonary tuberculosis with hydrazine derivatives of isonicotinic acid,” 150 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 973 (1952).

30 “TB Milestone,” Life (Mar. 3, 1952).

32 Irving J. Selikoff, “Asbestos in Paterson, New Jersey and Tyler, Texas – A Tale of Two Cities,” Transcript of Lecture (Houston, Texas, Oct. 11, 1979).

33 See “Medical Horizons,” Broadcasting * Telecasting at 14 (Nov. 21, 1955) (describing Selikoff as a plodding presenter). See also Irving Selikoff – Media Plodder to Media Zealot” (Sept. 9, 2014).

35 Selikoff letter to Thomas Mancuso (Mar. 30, 1989).

36 See J. Christopher Wagner, C.A. Sleggs, and Paul Marchand, “Diffuse pleural mesothelioma and asbestos exposure in the North Western Cape Province,” 17 Br. J. Indus. Med. 260 (1960); J. Christopher Wagner, “The discovery of the association between blue asbestos and mesotheliomas and the aftermath,” 48 Br. J. Indus. Med. 399 (1991).

37 Arthur M. Langer, “Asbestos Studies in the Environmental Sciences Laboratory Mount Sinai School of Medicine 1965 – 1985: Investigations Reflecting State-of-the-Art; Contributions to the Understanding of Asbestos Medicine” (Unpublished MS, Nov. 7, 2008).

38 Alvin S. Tierstein, A. Gottlieb, Mortimer E. Bader, Richard A. Bader & Irving Selikoff, “Pulmonary mechanics in asbestosis of the lungs,” 8 Clin. Res. 256 (1960); Mortimer E. Bader, Richard A. Bader & Irving Selikoff, “Pulmonary function in asbestosis of the lung; an alveolar-capillary block syndrome, 30 Am. J. Med. 235 (1961).

39 Asbestos Worker (May 1961) (“The subject matter of Health Hazards was discussed and President Sickles reported on the possibility of an early meeting with people connected with the Medical Association for the purpose of running various tests on certain materials used by our membership in order to determine the extent of their contribution to lung cancer, silicosis, asbestosis, tuberculosis, etc.”).

40 Asbestos Worker (May 1962) (“President Sickles advised the Board as to a meeting which had been held with Vice President Rider and a Dr. Irving Selikoff, of the Paterson Clinic in connection with our issue on Health Hazards and the Committee on Health Hazards with the approval of the Board instructed President Sickles to continue his efforts in this direction.”)

41 Asbestos Worker at 25 (Feb. 1963).

42 Capt. H.M. Robbins & William T. Marr, “Asbestosis,” 19 Safety Review 10 (1962) (noting that asbestos dust counts of 200 million particles per cubic foot were not uncommon during insulation ripouts onboard naval vessels).

43 Irving J. Selikoff, Jacob Churg, and E. Cuyler Hammond, “Asbestos Exposure and Neoplasia,” 188 J. Am. Med. Ass’n 22 (1964).

44 Irving J. Selikoff, Jacob Churg, E. Cuyler Hammond, “The Occurrence of Asbestosis among Insulation Workers in the United States,” 132 Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. 139, 142 (1965) (“In later specimens so obtained, crocidolite has also been found. Moreover, materials used for ship insulation, while containing the same amounts of asbestos as above, began in 1934 to have significant amounts of amosite in addition to chrysotile, because of the lighter weight of the material.”); Harrington, “Chemical Studies of Asbestos,” 132 Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. 31, 41 (1965) (reporting the finding of chrysotile and crocidolite asbestos in equal proportions in specimens of 85% magnesia pipe-covering sections); N.W. Hendry, “The Geology, Occurrences, and Major Uses of Asbestos 132 Annals N.Y. Acad. Sci. 12, 19 (1965) (reporting that, in 1963, the U.S. used  22,000 tons of amosite in manufactured products, and 17,000 tons of crocidolite in acid-resistent filters, packings, insulations, and certain types of lagging. United States Department of Commerce statistics show that for the years 1957 to 1962, more crocidolite was used in the United States than was amosite. In 1962, the use of blue was twice as great as that for brown. 132 Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. at 753, Table 17 (1965); see also id. at 762, Table 23 (1965) (South African blue fiber imports exceeded brown fiber imports, starting about 1954). See alsoSelikoff and the Mystery of the Disappearing Amphiboles (Dec. 10, 2010); James R. Millette, Steven Compton, and Christopher DePasquale, “Microscopical Analyses of Asbestos-Cement Pipe and Board,” 66 The Microscope 3 (2018) (reporting analyses of cement formulations with substantial crocidolite).

45 Asbestos Worker at 13 (May 1966).

46 Jonathan Samet, et al., eds., Institute of Medicine Review of Asbestos: Selected Cancers (2006); see also Richard Doll & Julian Peto, Asbestos: Effects on health of exposure to asbestos 8 (1985) (“In particular, there are no grounds for believing that gastrointestinal cancers in general are peculiarly likely to be caused by asbestos exposure.”).

47Selikoff and the Mystery of the Disappearing Testimony” (Dec. 3, 2010); see, e.g., Barros v. United States, 147 F.Supp. 340, 343-44 (E.D.N.Y. 1957) (noting that Dr. Selikoff testified for seaman suing for maintenance and cure as a result of a slip and fall; finding for respondent against libelant); Bradshaw v. Twin City Insulation Co. Ltd., Indus. Ct. Indiana, Claim No. O.D.1454 (Oct. 14, 1966); Bradshaw v. Johns-Manville Sales Corp., Civ. Action No. 29433, E. D. Mich. S. Div. (July 6, 1967); Bambrick v. Asten Hill Mfg. Co., Pa. Cmwlth. Ct. 664 (1972); Tomplait v. Combustion Engineering Inc.., E. D. Tex. Civ. Action No. 5402 (March 4, 1968); Babcock & Wilcox, Inc. v. Steiner, 258 Md. 468, 471, 265 A.2d 871 (1970) (affirming workman compensation award for asbestosis); Rogers v. Johns-Manville Products Corp., Cir. Ct. Mo., 16th Jud. Cir., Div. 9, Civ. Action No. 720,071 (Feb. 19, 1971); Utter v. Asten-Hill Mfg. Co., 453 Pa. 401 (1973); Karjala v Johns-Manville Products Corp., D. Minn., Civ. Action Nos. 5–71 Civ. 18, and Civ. 40 (Feb. 8, 1973); Culp Industrial Insulation v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Workmen’s Compensation Appeal Board, 57 Pa. Commonwealth Ct. 599, 601-602 (1981).

48 Andrew Haas, Comments from the General President, 18 Asbestos Worker (Nov. 1972); see also Peter W.J. Bartrip, “Irving John Selikoff and the Strange Case of the Missing Medical Degrees,” 58 J. History Med. 3, 27 & n.88-92 (2003) (citing Haas).

49 Thomas O’Toole, “U.S. Warned of Asbestos Peril,” Wash. Post. A4 (Dec. 4, 1968).

50 The United States Government’s Role in the Asbestos Mess” (Jan. 31, 2012). See also Kara Franke & Dennis Paustenbach, “Government and Navy knowledge regarding health hazards of Asbestos: A state of the science evaluation (1900 to 1970),” 23(S3) Inhalation Toxicology 1 (2011); Capt. H.M. Robbins & W.T. Marr, “Asbestosis,” Safety Review (Oct. 1962); See also Walter Olson, “Asbestos awareness pre-Selikoff,” (Oct. 19, 2007).

51 See Charles E. Rossiter, “Initial repeatability trials of the UICC/Cincinnati classification of the radiographic appearances of pneumoconioses,” 29 Brit. J. Indus. Med. 407 (1972) (among physician readers of chest radiographs, Selikoff was at the extreme of least likely to call a film normal (less than half the average of all readers), and the most likely to interpret films to show excess profusion of small irregular linear densities). See Selikoff and the Mystery of the Disappearing Asbestosis” (Dec. 6, 2010). The unions, of course, interested in maximizing compensation for their members loved Selikoff’s over-reading of chest films. Selikoff’s colleagues (Ruth Lilis?) routinely teased Selikoff about not being able to read chest radiographs. Selikoff was rumored to have taken and failed the NIOSH B-Reader examination, a rumor which needs to be resolved by a FOIA request.

52 United States v. Reserve Mining Co. See United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 56 F.R.D. 408 (D.Minn.1972); Armco Steel Corp. v. United States, 490 F.2d 688 (8th Cir. 1974); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 380 F.Supp. 11 (D.Minn.1974); Reserve Mining Co. v. United States, 498 F.2d 1073 (8th Cir. 1974); Minnesota v. Reserve Mining Co., 418 U.S. 911 (1974); Minnesota v. Reserve Mining Co., 419 U.S. 802 (1974); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 394 F.Supp. 233 (D.Minn.1974); Reserve Mining Co. v. Environmental Protection Agency, 514 F.2d 492 (8th Cir. 1975); Minnesota v. Reserve Mining Co., 420 U.S. 1000, 95 S.Ct. 1441, 43 L.Ed.2d 758 (1975); Reserve Mining Co. v. Lord, 529 F.2d 181 (8th Cir. 1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 408 F.Supp. 1212 (D.Minn.1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 412 F.Supp. 705 (D.Minn.1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 417 F.Supp. 789 (D.Minn.1976); United States v. Reserve Mining Co., 417 F.Supp. 791 (D.Minn.1976); 543 F.2d 1210 (1976).

53 Robert V. Bartlett, The Reserve Mining Controversy: Science, Technology, and Environmental Quality 140-41 (1980) (describing Selikoff’s testimony).

54 Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, Defending the Indefensible : The Global Asbestos Industry and its Fight for Survival: The Global Asbestos Industry and its Fight for Survival 95 & n.36 (2008). These authors ignored more reasons Selikoff stood down from the witness chair: his self-serving insistence upon the importance of his own research detracted from the work of previous authors (e.g., Sir Richard Doll, J. Christopher Wagner, et al.) in litigation of personal injury claims of asbestos health effects. Plaintiffs’ counsel needed to push back the dates of first knowledge of asbestos health effects well before Selikoff’s first insulator study in 1964. The litigation industry needed Selikoff to continue to generate publicity, and to stop testifying. Selikoff surely must have had some concerns about how further testifying would eventually lead to questions about his credentials. Furthermore, Selikoff had an entire generation of younger, less politically visible colleagues at Mt. Sinai to fill the ranks of expert witnesses for the litigation industry (Miller, Levin, Nicholson, Lillis, Daum, Anderson, et al.).

55 Irving J. Selikoff, “Epidemiology of gastrointestinal cancer,” 9 Envt’l Health Persp. 299 (1974) (arguing for his causal conclusion between asbestos and all gastrointestinal cancers).

56 Nicholas Wade, “The Science and Politics of a Disinvitation,” 201 Science 892 (1978) (commenting that the NCI was negligent in failing to evaluate the ad hominem opinions given to it by Selikoff).

57 SeeThe Selikoff – Castleman Conspiracy” (Mar. 13, 2011); What Happens When Historians Have Bad Memories” (Mar. 15, 2014); “Castleman-Selikoff – Can Their Civil Conspiracy Survive Death? (Dec. 3, 2018). In 2014, Castleman testifies that he has no recollection of the memorandum.

58 See Richard Doll & Richard Peto, “The causes of cancer: quantitative estimates of avoidable risks of cancer in the United States today,” 66 J. Nat’l Cancer Inst. 1191 (1981).

60 The Mt. Sinai Catechism” (June 5, 2013).

62 Celia Selikoff Social Security Records, SSN 064-12-6401. Celia was born on Sept. 12, 1908.

63 A New York state trial court initially sided with Selikoff over this subpoena battle. In re R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co., 136 Misc.2d 282, 518 N.Y.S.2d 729 (N.Y. Sup. Ct., N.Y. Cty. 1987). The federal court subsequently required Selikoff to honor another litigant’s subpoena. In re American Tobacco Co., 866 F.2d 552 (2d Cir. 1989).

64 William J. Nicholson & Irving J. Selikoff, “Mortality experience of asbestos factory workers; effect of differing intensities of asbestos exposure”: unpublished manuscript produced in litigation (1988) (“[O]ther asbestos varieties (amosite, crocidolite, anthophyllite) were also used for some products. In general, chrysotile was used for textiles, roofing materials, asbestos cements, brake and friction products, fillers for plastics, etc.; chrysotile with or without amosite for insulation materials; chrysotile and crocidolite for a variety of asbestos cement products.”)

65 In re School Asbestos Litigation, 977 F.2d 764 (3d Cir. 1992). See Cathleen M. Devlin, “Disqualification of Federal Judges – Third Circuit Orders District Judge James McGirr Kelly to Disqualify Himself So As To Preserve ‘The Appearance of Justice’ Under 28 U.S.C. § 455 – In re School Asbestos Litigation (1992),” 38 Villanova L. Rev. 1219 (1993); Bruce A. Green, “May Judges Attend Privately Funded Educational Programs? Should Judicial Education Be Privatized?: Questions of Judicial Ethics and Policy,” 29 Fordham Urb. L.J. 941, 996-98 (2002).

66 Jack B. Weinstein, “Learning, Speaking, and Acting: What Are the Limits for Judges?” 77 Judicature 322, 326 (May-June 1994) (emphasis added). Judge Weinstein’s false statement that Selikoff “had never testified” not only reflects an incredible and uncharacteristic naiveté by His Honor; the false statement was in a journal, Judicature, which was widely circulated to state and federal judges.

67 Jack B. Weinstein, “Learning, Speaking, and Acting: What Are the Limits for Judges?” 77 Judicature 322, 326 (May-June 1994). The point apparently weighed on Judge Weinstein’s conscience. He repeated his mea culpa almost verbatim, along with the false statement about Selikoff’s never having testified, in a law review article in 1994, and then incorporated the misrepresentation into a full-length book. See Jack B. Weinstein, “Limits on Judges’ Learning, Speaking and Acting – Part I- Tentative First Thoughts: How May Judges Learn?” 36 Ariz. L. Rev. 539, 560 (1994) (“He [Selikoff] had never testified and would never testify.); Jack B. Weinstein, Individual Justice in Mass Tort Litigation: The Effect of Class Actions, Consolidations, and other Multi-Party Devices 117 (1995) (“A court should not coerce independent eminent scientists, such as the late Dr. Irving Selikoff, to testify if, like he, they prefer to publish their results only in scientific journals.”).

68 Social Security records for Irving John Selikoff, social sec. no. 085-16-1882. See Bruce Lambert, “Irving J. Selikoff Is Dead at 77; TB Researcher Fought Asbestos,” N.Y. Times (May 22, 1992).

69 Steve Markowitz, Stephen Levin, Albert Miller, and Alfredo Morabia, “Asbestos, Asbestosis, Smoking and Lung Cancer: New Findings from the North American Insulator Cohort,” Am. J. Respir. & Critical Care Med. (2013)).

Castleman-Selikoff – Can Their Civil Conspiracy Survive Death?

December 4th, 2018

Several, years ago, I wrote about Barry Castleman’s 1979 memorandum to Irving Selikoff, in which Castleman implored Selikoff to refuse to cooperate with lawful discovery from defense counsel in asbestos personal injury cases. The Selikoff – Castleman Conspiracy(Mar. 13, 2011). The document, titled Defense Attorneys’ Efforts to Use Background Files of Selikoff-Hammond Studies to Avert Liability,” was dated November 5, 1979. Coming from The Legacy Tobacco Documents Library at the University of California, San Francisco, created by litigation industry’s tobacco subsidiary, the document is clearly authentic. Barry Castleman, however, has testified that he cannot remember the 35+ year old memorandum, which failure of recall is not probative of anything.1  He refuses to renounce his role as a co-conspirator.

Jock McCulloch and Geoffrey Tweedale have both made careers of attacking any manufacturing and mining industry with connections to asbestos, while supporting the litigation industry that thrives on asbestos. Sadly, Jock McCulloch died of mesothelioma, earlier this year, on January 18, 2018, in Australia. McCulloch attributed his disease to his exposure to crocidolite when he researched one of his books on blue asbestos in South Africa.2 Although I found his scholarship biased and exaggerated, I admired his tenacious zeal in pressing his claims. His candor about the cause of his last illness was exemplary compared with Selikoff’s failure to acknowledge the extent to which amosite and crocidolite were used in the United States.

In 2007, Jock McCulloch and Geoffrey Tweedale wrote an article in which they attacked those who dared to say anything negative about Irving Selikoff.3 Of course, in claiming that the asbestos industry was “shooting the messenger,” these authors were, well, shooting the messenger, too. In 2008, McCulloch and Tweedale wrote a much more interesting, hagiographic article about Selikoff.4 From the legal perpective, perhaps the most interesting revelation in this article was that the authors had drawn “upon unprecedented access to the Selikoff archive at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York City.”

Several years later, defense counsel in the United States attempted to visit the Selikoff archives at Mt. Sinai Hospital. After an unseemly delay, the inquisitive counsel were met with unprecedented obstruction and denial of access:

From: [ARCHIVIST]
To: [DEFENSE COUNSEL]
Subject: Request for appointment with Archivist
Date: Wed, 3 Sep 2014 16:18:53 +0000

I realize that this must seem out of the blue, but we have recently realized that the stub email address we have – msarchives – has not been forwarding email the way it was intended to do. I apologize for not responding to you previously, and for what it is worth, here is the answer to your question.

Some Selikoff material in the Mount Sinai Archives, although I believe some of his research material is still with our Dept. of Preventive Medicine. Our collection is currently closed to researchers, as per the request of Mount Sinai’s Legal Department in 2009. Here is their statement concerning these records:

It was agreed that Dr. Selikoff’s correspondence and archives that are kept within the auspices of the MSSM library under the direction of the MSSM archivist, Barbara Niss, would be kept confidential for at least an additional 25 years to protect Dr. Selikoff’s research endeavors and the privacy of all the individuals, particularly the research subjects, who he studied and with whom he communicated. It is anticipated that twenty-five years from now, these individuals will no longer be alive and their concerns about keeping these matters private will have become moot. However, if we determine that this is not the case, we will reserve the option to continue to keep these documents confidential. We are also taking this action to preserve the academic freedom of our researchers so they can pursue their research, communicate with colleagues and comment on these important environmental/scientific issues, without concerns that they will be subpoenaed as non-party witnesses in these massive tort litigations.

Again, my apologies for the very late reply. Please let me know if you have questions.

So there you have it, 35 years after Castleman implored Selikoff not to cooperate with lawyers’ proper fact discovery, the Selikoff archive is still at its obstruction and denial.


1 See The Selikoff – Castleman Conspiracy” (Mar. 13, 2011). In 2014, Castleman testifies that he has no recollection of the memorandum. The document was also available at Scribd.

2 See Laurie Kazan-Allen, “In Memory of Jock McCulloch” (Jan. 21, 2018) (quoting an email from Jock McCulloch, dated July 21, 2017: “The injury almost certainly occurred while I was researching Asbestos Blues in South Africa, which is all of twenty years ago.”); “Remembering Jock McCulloch,” Toxic Docs Blog (Jan. 28, 2018) (quoting his partner’s tribute about the cause of his death: “His exposure to blue asbestos was probably in South Africa during the mid-1990s, when he was researching a book on the history of mining.).

3 Jock McCulloch & Geoffrey Tweedale, “Shooting the Messenger: The Vilification of Irving J. Selikoff,” 37 Internat’l J. Health Services 619 (2007).

4 Jock McCulloch and Geoffrey Tweedale, “Science is not Sufficient: Irving J. Selikoff and the Asbestos Tragedy,” 17 New Solutions 293 (2008).

PubMed Refutes Courtroom Historians

February 11th, 2018

Professors Rosner and Markowitz, labor historians, or historians laboring in courtrooms, have made a second career out of testifying about other people’s motivations. Consider their pronouncement:

In the postwar era, professionals, industry, government, and a conservative labor movement tried to bury silicosis as an issue.”

David Rosner & Gerald Markowitz, Deadly Dust: Silicosis and the Politics of Occupational Disease in the Twentieth Century America 213 (Princeton 1991); Gerald Markowitz & David Rosner, “Why Is Silicosis So Important?” Chap. 1, at 27, in Paul-André Rosental, ed., Silicosis: A World History (2017). Their accusation is remarkable for any number of reasons,1 but the most remarkable is that their claim is unverified, but readily falsified.2

Previously, I have pointed to searches in Google’s Ngram Book viewer as well as in the National Library of Medicine’s database (PubMed) on silicosis. The PubMed website has now started to provide a csv file, with articles counts by year, which can be opened in programs such as LibreOffice Calc, Excel, etc, and then used to generate charts of the publication counts over time. 

Here is a chart generated form a simple search on <silicosis> in PubMed, with years aggregated over roughly 11 year intervals:

The chart shows that the “professionals,” presumably physicians and scientists were most busy publishing on, not burying, the silicosis issue exactly when Rosner and Markowitz claimed them to be actively suppressing. Many of the included publications grew out of industry, labor, and government interests and concerns. In their book and in their courtroom performances,, Rosner and Markowitz provide mostly innuendo without evidence, but their claim is falsifiable and false.

To be sure, the low count in the 1940s may well result from the relatively fewer journals included in the PubMed database, as well as the growth in the number of biomedical journals after the 1940s. The Post-War era certainly presented distractions in the form of other issues, including the development of antibiotics, chemotherapies for tuberculosis, the spread of poliomyelitis and the development of vaccines for this and other viral diseases, radiation exposure and illnesses, tobacco-related cancers, and other chronic diseases. Given the exponential expansion in scope of public health, the continued interest in silicosis after World War II, documented in the PubMed statistics, is remarkable for its intensity, pace Rosner and Markowitz.


1Conspiracy Theories: Historians, In and Out of Court(April 17, 2013). Not the least of the reasons the group calumny is pertinent is the extent to which it keeps the authors gainfully employed as expert witnesses in litigation.

2 See also CDC, “Ten Great Public Health Achievements – United States, 1900 – 1999,” 48(12) CDC Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 241 (April 02, 1999)(“Work-related health problems, such as coal workers’ pneumoconiosis (black lung), and silicosis — common at the beginning of the century — have come under better control.”).